C.I.A. Said to Aid in Steering Arms to Syrian Opposition
By ERIC SCHMITT
Published: June 21, 2012
WASHINGTON — A small number of C.I.A.
officers are operating secretly in southern Turkey, helping allies
decide which Syrian opposition fighters across the border will receive
arms to fight the Syrian government, according to American officials and
Arab intelligence officers.
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The weapons, including automatic rifles, rocket-propelled grenades,
ammunition and some antitank weapons, are being funneled mostly across
the Turkish border by way of a shadowy network of intermediaries
including Syria’s Muslim Brotherhood and paid for by Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Qatar, the officials said.
The C.I.A. officers have been in southern Turkey for several weeks, in
part to help keep weapons out of the hands of fighters allied with Al
Qaeda or other terrorist groups, one senior American official said. The
Obama administration has said it is not providing arms to the rebels,
but it has also acknowledged that Syria’s neighbors would do so.
The clandestine intelligence-gathering effort is the most detailed known
instance of the limited American support for the military campaign
against the Syrian government. It is also part of Washington’s attempt
to increase the pressure on President Bashar al-Assad
of Syria, who has recently escalated his government’s deadly crackdown
on civilians and the militias battling his rule. With Russia blocking
more aggressive steps against the Assad government, the United States
and its allies have instead turned to diplomacy and aiding allied
efforts to arm the rebels to force Mr. Assad from power.
By helping to vet rebel groups, American intelligence operatives in
Turkey hope to learn more about a growing, changing opposition network
inside of Syria and to establish new ties. “C.I.A. officers are there
and they are trying to make new sources and recruit people,” said one
Arab intelligence official who is briefed regularly by American
counterparts.
American officials and retired C.I.A. officials said the administration
was also weighing additional assistance to rebels, like providing
satellite imagery and other detailed intelligence on Syrian troop
locations and movements. The administration is also considering whether
to help the opposition set up a rudimentary intelligence service. But no
decisions have been made on those measures or even more aggressive
steps, like sending C.I.A. officers into Syria itself, they said.
The struggle inside Syria has the potential to intensify significantly
in coming months as powerful new weapons are flowing to both the Syrian
government and opposition fighters. President Obama and his top aides
are seeking to pressure Russia to curb arms shipments like attack
helicopters to Syria, its main ally in the Middle East.
“We’d like to see arms sales to the Assad regime come to an end, because
we believe they’ve demonstrated that they will only use their military
against their own civilian population,” Benjamin J. Rhodes, deputy
national security adviser for strategic communications, said after Mr.
Obama and his Russian counterpart, Vladimir V. Putin, met in Mexico on
Monday.
Spokesmen for the White House, State Department and C.I.A. would not
comment on any intelligence operations supporting the Syrian rebels,
some details of which were reported last week by The Wall Street
Journal.
Until now, the public face of the administration’s Syria policy has largely been diplomacy and humanitarian aid.
The State Department said Wednesday that Secretary of State Hillary
Rodham Clinton would meet with her Russian counterpart, Sergey V.
Lavrov, on the sidelines of a meeting of Asia-Pacific foreign ministers
in St. Petersburg, Russia, next Thursday. The private talks are likely
to focus, at least in part, on the crisis in Syria.
The State Department has authorized $15 million in nonlethal aid, like
medical supplies and communications equipment, to civilian opposition
groups in Syria.
The Pentagon continues to fine-tune a range of military options, after a
request from Mr. Obama in early March for such contingency planning.
Gen. Martin E. Dempsey, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, told
senators at that time that the options under review included
humanitarian airlifts, aerial surveillance of the Syrian military, and
the establishment of a no-fly zone.
The military has also drawn up plans for how coalition troops would
secure Syria’s sizable stockpiles of chemical and biological weapons if
an all-out civil war threatened their security.
But senior administration officials have underscored in recent days that
they are not actively considering military options. “Anything at this
point vis-à-vis Syria would be hypothetical in the extreme,” General
Dempsey told reporters this month.
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What has changed since March is an influx of weapons and ammunition to
the rebels. The increasingly fierce air and artillery assaults by the
government are intended to counter improved coordination, tactics and
weaponry among the opposition forces, according to members of the Syrian
National Council and other activists.
Last month, these activists said, Turkish Army vehicles delivered
antitank weaponry to the border, where it was then smuggled into Syria.
Turkey has repeatedly denied it was extending anything other than
humanitarian aid to the opposition, mostly via refugee camps near the
border. The United States, these activists said, was consulted about
these weapons transfers.
American military analysts offered mixed opinions on whether these arms
have offset the advantages held by the militarily superior Syrian Army.
“The rebels are starting to crack the code on how to take out tanks,”
said Joseph Holliday, a former United States Army intelligence officer
in Afghanistan who is now a researcher tracking the Free Syrian Army for
the Institute for the Study of War in Washington.
But a senior American officer who receives classified intelligence
reports from the region, compared the rebels’ arms to “peashooters”
against the government’s heavy weaponry and attack helicopters.
The Syrian National Council, the main opposition group in exile, has
recently begun trying to organize the scattered, localized units that
all fight under the name of the Free Syrian Army into a more cohesive
force.
About 10 military coordinating councils in provinces across the country
are now sharing tactics and other information. The city of Homs is the
notable exception. It lacks such a council because the three main
military groups in the city do not get along, national council officials
said.
Jeffrey White, a defense analyst at the Washington Institute for Near
East Policy who tracks videos and announcements from self-described
rebel battalions, said there were now about 100 rebel formations, up
from roughly 70 two months ago, ranging in size from a handful of
fighters to a couple of hundred combatants.
“When the regime wants to go someplace and puts the right package of
forces together, it can do it,” Mr. White said. “But the opposition is
raising the cost of those kinds of operations.”
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