As former Egyptian President Muhammad Morsi’s trials continue, it’s
enlightening to consider what is likely to be one of the centerpieces of
the trial: longstanding accusations that Morsi and his Muslim
Brotherhood party worked with foreign terrorist organizations, including
al-Qaeda, against the national security of Egypt.
Based on these accusations of high treason, Morsi and others could face the death penalty.
Ibrahim will be on The 700 Club, Feb. 20, to talk more
about how most Christian persecution is occuring in Muslim-dominated
areas today. For more on this, check out his blog, The Existential Elephant in the ‘Christian Persecution’ Room.
Concerning some of the more severe allegations, one of Egypt’s most widely distributed and read newspapers,
Al Watan, recently
published what it said were recorded conversations between Morsi and
Muhammad Zawahiri, al-Qaeda leader Ayman Zawahiri’s brother.
In these reports,
Watan repeatedly asserts that Egyptian security and intelligence agencies confirmed (or perhaps leaked out) the recordings.
Much of the substance of the alleged conversations is further
corroborated by events that occurred during Morsi’s one-year-rule, most
of which were reported by a variety of Arabic media outlets, though not
by Western media.
In what follows, I relay, summarize, and translate some of the more significant portions of the
Watan reports (verbatim statements are in quotation marks). In between, I comment on various anecdotes and events—many of which were
first broken on
my website—that now, in light of these phone conversations, make perfect sense
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The first recorded call between Muhammad Morsi and Muhammad Zawahiri
lasted for 59 seconds. Morsi congratulated Zawahiri on his release from
prison, where he had been incarcerated for jihadi/terrorist activities
against Egypt, and assured him that he would not be followed or observed
by any Egyptian authorities, and that he, Morsi, was planning on
meeting with him soon. Prior to this first call, Refa’ al-Tahtawy, then
Chief of Staff, mediated and arranged matters.
The presidential palace continued to communicate regularly with
Muhammad Zawahiri, and sources confirm that he was the link between the
Egyptian presidency and his brother,
Ayman Zawahiri, the Egyptian-born leader of al-Qaeda.
It should be noted that, once released, the previously little-known Muhammad Zawahiri did become
very visible and vocal in Egypt, at times spearheading the Islamist movement.
The next recording between Morsi and Zawahiri lasted for 2 minutes
and 56 seconds and took place one month after Morsi became president.
Morsi informed Zawahiri that the Muslim Brotherhood supports the
mujahidin (jihadis) and that the mujahidin should support the
Brotherhood in order for them both, and the Islamist agenda, to prevail
in Egypt.
This makes sense in the context that, soon after Morsi came to power,
the general public did become increasingly critical of him and his
policies, including the fact that he was placing only Brotherhood
members in Egypt’s most important posts, trying quickly to push through a
pro-Islamist constitution, and, as Egyptians called it, trying in
general to
“Brotherhoodize” Egypt.
This second phone call being longer than the first, Zawahiri took it
as an opportunity to congratulate Morsi on his recent presidential
victory—which, incidentally, from the start,
was portrayed by some as fraudulent—and expressed his joy that Morsi’s presidency could only mean that “all secular infidels would be removed from Egypt.”
Then Zawahiri told Morsi: “Rule according to the Sharia of Allah [or
“Islamic law”], and we will stand next to you. Know that, from the
start, there is no so-called democracy, so get rid of your opposition.”
This assertion comports extremely well with his brother Ayman
Zawahiri’s views. A former Muslim Brotherhood member himself, some
thirty years ago, the al-Qaeda leader wrote
Al Hissad Al Murr
(“The Bitter Harvest”), a scathing book condemning the Brotherhood for
“taking advantage of the Muslim youths’ fervor by … steer[ing] their
onetime passionate, Islamic zeal for jihad to conferences and
elections.” An entire section dedicated to showing that Islamic Sharia
cannot coexist with democracy even appears in Ayman Zawahiri’s book (see
“Sharia and Democracy,”
The Al Qaeda Reader, pgs. 116-136).
The call ended in agreement that al-Qaeda would support the
Brotherhood, including its international branches, under the
understanding that Morsi would soon implement full Sharia in Egypt.
After this, Muhammad Zawahiri and Khairat al-Shater, the number-two man
of the Muslim Brotherhood organization, reportedly met regularly.
It is interesting to note here that, prior to these revelations, U.S. ambassador Anne Patterson was
seen visiting with Khairat al-Shater—even
though he held no position in the Morsi government—and after the
ousting and imprisonment of Morsi and leading Brotherhood members, Sens.
John McCain and Lindsay Graham made it a point to
visit the civilian Shater in his prison cell and urged the Egyptian government to release him.
The next call, recorded roughly six weeks after this last one, again
revolved around the theme of solidifying common cooperation between the
Egyptian presidency and the Muslim Brotherhood on the one hand, and
al-Qaeda and its jihadi offshoots on the other, specifically in the
context of creating jihadi cells inside Egypt devoted to protecting the
increasingly unpopular Brotherhood-dominated government.
As I reported back in
December 2012,
Egyptian media were saying that foreign jihadi fighters were appearing
in large numbers—one said 3,000 fighters—especially in Sinai. And, since
the overthrow of the Brotherhood and the military crackdown on its
supporters, many of those detained have been exposed speaking
non-Egyptian dialects of Arabic.
During this same call, Zawahiri was also critical of the Morsi
government for still not applying Islamic Sharia throughout Egypt,
which, as mentioned, was one of the prerequisites for al-Qaeda support.
Morsi responded by saying “We are currently in the stage of
consolidating power and need the help of all parties—and we cannot at
this time apply the Iranian model or Taliban rule in Egypt; it is
impossible to do so now.”
In fact, while the Brotherhood has repeatedly declared its
aspirations for world domination , from its origins, it has always relied on a “gradual” approach,
moving only in stages, with the idea of culminating its full vision only when enough power has been consolidated.
In response, Zawahiri told Morsi that, as a show of good will, he
must “at least release the mujahidin who were imprisoned during the
Mubarak era as well as all Islamists, as an assurance and pact of
cooperation and proof that the old page has turned to a new one.”
After that call, and as confirmed by a governmental source, Morsi
received a list from Zawahiri containing the names of the most dangerous
terrorists in Egyptian jails, some of whom were on death row due to the
enormity of their crimes.
In fact, as I reported
in August 2012,
many imprisoned terrorists, including from Egypt’s notorious Islamic
Jihad organization—which was once led by Ayman Zawahiri—were released
under Morsi.
One year later,
in August 2013,
soon after the removal of Morsi, Egypt’s Interior Ministry announced
that Egypt was “preparing to cancel any presidential pardons issued
during Morsi’s era to terrorists or criminals.”
During this same call, and in the context of pardons, Morsi said he
would do his best to facilitate the return of Muhammad’s infamous
brother and al-Qaeda leader, Ayman Zawahiri, back to Egypt—“with his
head held high,” in accordance with Islamist wishes—as well as urge the
U.S. to release the “Blind Sheikh” and terrorist mastermind, Omar Abdul
Rahman.
In
March 2013,
I wrote about how Morsi, during his Pakistan visit, had reportedly met
with Ayman Zawahiri and made arrangements to smuggle him back to Sinai.
According to a Pakistan source, the meeting was “facilitated by
elements of Pakistani intelligence [ISI] and influential members of the
International Organization, the Muslim Brotherhood.”
The gist of the next two calls between Morsi and Muhammad Zawahiri
was that, so long as the former is president, he would see to it that
all released jihadis and al-Qaeda operatives are allowed to move freely
throughout Egypt and the Sinai, and that the presidential palace would
remain in constant contact with Zawahiri, to make sure everything is
moving to the satisfaction of both parties.
Zawahiri further requested that Morsi allow them to develop training
camps in Sinai in order to support the Brotherhood through trained
militants. Along with saying that the Brotherhood intended to form a
“revolutionary guard” to protect him against any coup, Morsi added that,
in return for al-Qaeda’s and its affiliates’ support, not only would he
allow them to have such training camps, but he would facilitate their
development in Sinai and give them four facilities to use along the
Egyptian-Libyan border.
That Libya is mentioned is interesting. According to a
Libyan Arabic report
I translated in June 2013, those who attacked the U.S. consulate in
Benghazi, killing Americans, including Ambassador Chris Stevens, were
from jihadi cells that had been formed in Libya through Egyptian Muslim
Brotherhood support. Those interrogated named Morsi and other top
Brotherhood leadership as accomplices.
More evidence—including some that implicates the U.S. administration—has mounted since then.
Next,
Watan makes several more assertions, all of which are preceded by “according to security/intelligence agencies.” They are:
- That Morsi did indeed as he promised, and that he facilitated
the establishment of four jihadi training camps. Morsi was then Chief in
Command of Egypt’s Armed Forces, and through his power of authority,
stopped the military from launching any operations including in the by
now al-Qaeda overrun Sinai.
- That, after Morsi reached Pakistan, he had a one-and-a-half hour
meeting with an associate of Ayman Zawahiri in a hotel and possibly
spoke with him.
- That, after Morsi returned to Egypt from his trip to Pakistan,
he issued another list containing the names of 20 more convicted
terrorists considered dangerous to the national security of Egypt,
giving them all presidential pardons—despite the fact that national
security and intelligence strongly recommended that they not be released
on grounds of the threat they posed.
- That the Muslim Brotherhood’s international wing, including
through the agency of Khairat al-Shater, had provided $50 million to
al-Qaeda in part to support the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt.
One of the longer conversations between Morsi and Zawahiri reported by
Watan is especially telling of al-Qaeda’s enmity for secularist Muslims and Coptic Christians—whose churches,
some 80, were attacked, burned, and destroyed, some with the
al-Qaeda flag furled above them, soon after the ousting of Morsi. I translate portions below:
Zawahiri: “The teachings of Allah need to be applied and enforced;
the secularists have stopped the Islamic Sharia, and the response must
be a stop to the building of churches.” (An odd assertion considering
how difficult it already is for Copts to acquire a repair permit for
their churches in Egypt.)
Zawahiri also added that “All those who reject the Sharia must be
executed, and all those belonging to the secular media which work to
disseminate debauchery and help deviants and Christians to violate the
Sharia, must be executed.”
Morsi reportedly replied: “We have taken deterrent measures to combat
those few, and new legislative measures to limit their media, and in
the near future, we will shut down these media stations and launch large
Islamic media outlets. We are even planning a big budget from the
[Brotherhood] International Group to launch Islamic and jihadi satellite
stations to urge on the jihad. There will be a channel for you and the
men of al-Qaeda, and it can be broadcast from Afghanistan.”
Undeterred, Zawahiri responded by saying, “This [is a] Christian
media—and some of the media personnel are paid by the [Coptic] Church
and they work with those who oppose the Sharia… secularist forces are
allied with Christian forces, among them
Naguib Sawiris, the Christian-Jew."
Morsi: “Soon we will uphold our promises to you.”
In fact, there was a period of time when the secular media in
Egypt—which was constantly exposing Brotherhood machinations—were under
severe attack by the Brotherhood and Islamists of all stripes (comedian
Bassem Youssef was the tip of the iceberg). In one instance, which I
noted back in
August 2012, six major media stations were attacked by Brotherhood supporters, their employees severely beat.
The last call recorded between Muhammad Morsi and Muhammad Zawahiri
took place on the dawn of June 30, 2013 (the date of the June 30
Revolution that ousted Morsi and the Brotherhood). Morsi made the call
to Zawahiri in the presence of Asad al-Sheikha, Deputy Chief of
Presidential Staff, Refa’ al-Tahtawy, Chief of Presidential Staff, and
his personal security.
During this last call, Morsi incited Zawahiri to rise against the
Egyptian military in Sinai and asked Zawahiri to compel all jihadi and
loyalist elements everywhere to come to the aid of the Muslim
Brotherhood and neutralize its opponents.
Zawahiri reportedly responded by saying “We will fight the military and the police, and we will set the Sinai aflame.”
True enough, as I
reported
on July 4, quoting from an Arabic report: “Al-Qaeda, under the
leadership of Muhammad Zawahiri, is currently planning reprisal
operations by which to attack the army and the Morsi-opposition all
around the Republic [of Egypt].” The report added that, right before the
deposing of Morsi, Zawahiri had been arrested and was being
interrogated—only to be ordered released by yet another presidential
order, and that he had since fled to the Sinai.
Also on that same first day of the revolution, Khairat al-Shater,
Deputy Leader of the Brotherhood, had a meeting with a delegate of
jihadi fighters and reiterated Morsi’s request that all jihadis come to
the aid of the presidency and the Brotherhood.
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As Morsi’s trial continues, it’s only a matter of time before the
truth of these allegations—and their implications for the U.S.—is known.
But one thing is certain: most of them comport incredibly well with
incidents and events that took place under Morsi’s government.
Raymond Ibrahim, a CBN News analyst, is author of
The Al Qaeda Reader and
Crucified Again.
He is a Shillman fellow, David Horowitz Freedom Center; associate
fellow, Middle East Forum; and 2013 media fellow, Hoover Institution
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them. Of course, there’s certain things I know I can’t speak about because of Privacy Act considerations. But he’s a worm, and he was a congressman, back there, representing Mr. Greenspun, you now, trying to agitate in terms of my removal. But all you’ve got to do is