Over three years after
Maj. Nidal Malik Hasan's massacre at Fort Hood, Texas, in November 2009,
the classification of his crime remains in dispute. In its wisdom, the
Department of Defense, supported by law enforcement, politicians,
journalists, and academics, deems the killing of thirteen and wounding
of forty-three to be "workplace violence." For example, the 86-page
study on preventing a repeat episode,
Protecting the Force: Lessons from Fort Hood, mentions "workplace violence" sixteen times.
[1]
Indeed, were the subject not morbid, one could be amused by the
disagreement over what exactly caused the major to erupt. Speculations
included "
racism" against him, "
harassment he had received as a Muslim," his "sense of
not belonging," "
mental problems," "
emotional problems," "an inordinate amount of stress," the "
worst nightmare" of his being deployed to Afghanistan, or something fancifully called "
pre-traumatic stress disorder." One newspaper
headline, "Mindset of Rogue Major a Mystery," sums up this bogus state of confusion.
[2]
U.S.
officials' denials of Islam's role in terrorism might be humorous if
they were not so frightening. During congressional testimony in May
2010, Attorney General Eric Holder repeatedly sparred with his
congressional questioners over the possible part played by "radical
Islam" in inciting the actions of domestic terrorists and refused to
acknowledge its decisive role.
|
In contrast,
members of congress
ridiculed the "workplace violence" characterization and a coalition of
160 victims and family members recently released a video, "
The Truth about Fort Hood," criticizing the administration. On the third anniversary of the massacre, 148 victims and family members
sued the U.S. government for avoiding legal and financial responsibility by not acknowledging the incident as terrorism.
[3]
The military leadership willfully ignores what stares them in the face, namely Hasan's clear and evident
Islamist inspiration;
Protecting the Force mentions "Muslim" and "jihad" not a single time, and "Islam" only once, in a footnote.
[4] The massacre officially still remains unconnected to terrorism or Islam.
This example fits in a larger pattern: The establishment denies that
Islamism—a form of Islam that seeks to make Muslims dominant through an
extreme, totalistic, and rigid application of Islamic law, the
Shari'a—represents the leading global cause of terrorism when it so
clearly does. Islamism reverts to medieval norms in its aspiration to
create a caliphate that rules humanity. "Islam is the solution"
summarizes its doctrine. Islam's public law can be summarized as
elevating Muslim over non-Muslim, male over female, and endorsing the
use of force to spread Muslim rule. In recent decades, Islamists (the
adherents of this vision of Islam) have established an unparalleled
record of terrorism. To cite one tabulation: TheReligionOfPeace.com
counts 20,000 assaults in the name of Islam since 9/11,
[5] or about five a day. In the West, terrorist acts inspired by motives other than Islam hardly register.
It is important to document and explain this denial and explore its
implications. The examples come predominantly from the United States,
though they could come from virtually any Western country—except Israel.
Documenting Denial
The government, press, and academy routinely deny that Islamist
motives play a role in two ways, specific and general. Specific acts of
violence perpetrated by Muslims lead the authorities publicly,
willfully, and defiantly to close their eyes to Islamist motivations and
goals. Instead, they point to a range of trivial, one-time, and
individualistic motives, often casting the perpetrator as victim.
Examples from the years before and after 9/11 include:
This pattern of denial is all the more striking because it concerns distinctly Islamic forms of violence such as
suicide operations,
beheadings,
honor killings and the
disfiguring of women's faces.
For example, when it comes to honor killings, Phyllis Chesler has
established that this phenomenon differs from domestic violence and, in
Western countries, is almost always perpetrated by Muslims.
[19] Such proofs, however, do not convince the establishment, which tends to filter Islam out of the equation.
The generalized threat inspires more denial. Politicians and others
avoid mention of Islam, Islamism, Muslims, Islamists, mujahideen, or
jihadists. Instead, they blame evildoers, militants, radical extremists,
terrorists, and al-Qaeda. Just one day after 9/11, U.S. secretary of
state
Colin Powell
set the tone by asserting that the just-committed atrocities "should
not be seen as something done by Arabs or Islamics; it is something that
was done by terrorists."
[20]
Another tactic is to obscure Islamist realities under the fog of verbiage. George W. Bush referred once to "the great
struggle against extremism that is now playing out across the broader Middle East"
[21] and another time to "the
struggle against ideological extremists
who do not believe in free societies and who happen to use terror as a
weapon to try to shake the conscience of the free world."
[22] He went so far as to dismiss any Islamic element by asserting that "Islam is a great religion that
preaches peace."
[23]
In like spirit,
Barack Obama
observed that "it is very important for us to recognize that we have a
battle or a war against some terrorist organizations, but that those
organizations aren't representative of a broader Arab community, Muslim
community."
[24] Obama's attorney general,
Eric Holder,
engaged in the following exchange with Lamar Smith (Republican, Tex.)
during congressional testimony in May 2010, repeatedly resisting a
connection between Islamist motives and a spate of terrorist attacks:
Smith: In the case of all three [terrorist]
attempts in the last year, … one of which was successful, those
individuals have had ties to radical Islam. Do you feel that these
individuals might have been incited to take the actions that they did
because of radical Islam?
Holder: Because of?
Smith: Radical Islam.
Holder: There are a variety of reasons why I think people have
taken these actions. It's one, I think you have to look at each
individual case. I mean, we are in the process now of talking to Mr.
[Feisal] Shahzad to try to understand what it is that drove him to take
the action.
Smith: Yes, but radical Islam could have been one of the reasons?
Holder: There are a variety of reasons why people ...
Smith: But was radical Islam one of them?
Holder: There are a variety of reasons why people do things. Some of them are potentially religious...[25]
And on and on Holder persisted, until Smith eventually gave up. And
this was not exceptional: An almost identical denial took place in
December 2011 by a senior official from the
Department of Defense.
[26]
Or one can simply ignore the Islamist element; a study issued by the
Department of Homeland Security, "Evolution of the Terrorist Threat to
the United States," mentions Islam just one time. In September 2010,
Obama
spoke at the United Nations and, using a passive construction, avoided
all mention of Islam in reference to 9/11: "Nine years ago, the
destruction of the World Trade Center signaled a threat that respected
no boundary of dignity or decency."
[27] About the same time,
Janet Napolitano,
the secretary of homeland security, stated that the profiles of
Americans engaged in terrorism indicate that "there is no 'typical'
profile of a homegrown terrorist."
[28]
Newt Gingrich,
the former speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives, rightly
condemns this mentality as "two plus two must equal something other than
four."
[29]
Exceptions to Denial
Exceptions
to this pattern do exist; establishment figures on occasion drop their
guard and acknowledge the Islamist threat to the civilized world.
Gingrich himself delivered a uniquely well-informed speech on Shari'a in
2010, noting, "This is not a war on terrorism. Terrorism is an
activity. This is a struggle with radical Islamists in both their
militant and their stealth form."
[30]
British prime minister
Tony Blair offered a stirring and eloquent analysis in 2006:
This is war, but of a completely unconventional kind. …
What are the values that govern the future of the world? Are they those
of tolerance, freedom, respect for difference and diversity or those of
reaction, division and hatred? … It is in part a struggle between what I
will call Reactionary Islam and Moderate, Mainstream Islam. But its
implications go far wider. We are fighting a war, but not just against
terrorism but about how the world should govern itself in the early 21st century, about global values.[31]
The current British prime minister,
David Cameron, gave a fine analysis in 2005, long before he reached his current office:
The driving force behind today's terrorist threat is
Islamist fundamentalism. The struggle we are engaged in is, at root,
ideological. During the last century a strain of Islamist thinking has
developed which, like other totalitarianisms, such as Nazism and
Communism, offers its followers a form of redemption through violence.[32]
In
2011,
as prime minister, Cameron returned to this theme when he warned that
"we need to be absolutely clear on where the origins of these terrorist
attacks lie. That is the existence of an ideology, Islamist extremism."
[33]
The former foreign minister of the Czech Republic,
Alexandr Vondra, spoke his mind with remarkable frankness:
Radical Islamists challenge practically everything that
our society claims to stand for, no matter what the Western policies
were or are. These challenges include the concept of universal human
rights and freedom of speech.[34]
George W. Bush spoke in the period after
October 2005 about "Islamo-fascism" and "
Islamic fascists."
Joseph Lieberman,
the U.S. senator from Connecticut, criticized those who refuse "to
identify our enemy in this war as what it is: violent Islamist
extremism"
[35] and sponsored an excellent
Senate study on Maj. Hasan.
Rick Santorum, then a U.S. senator from Pennsylvania, gave a notable analysis:
In World War II, we fought Naziism and Japanese
imperialism. Today, we are fighting against Islamic fascists. They
attacked us on September 11th because we are the greatest
obstacle to their openly declared mission of subjecting the entire world
to their fanatical rule. I believe that the threat of Islamic fascism
is just as menacing as the threat from Nazism and Soviet Communism. Now,
as then, we face fanatics who will stop at nothing to dominate us. Now,
as then, there is no way out; we will either win or lose.[36]
Antonin Scalia,
an associate justice of the Supreme Court of the United States,
observed in an opinion that "America is at war with radical Islamists."
[37] A New York Police Department study,
Radicalization in the West: The Homegrown Threat,
discusses "Islamic-based terrorism" in its first line and never lets
up. It contains explicit references to Islamism; it states, "Ultimately,
the jihadist envisions a world in which jihadi-Salafi Islam is dominant
and is the basis of government."
[38]
So, reality does on occasion poke through the fog of denial and verbiage.
The Mystery of Denial
These exceptions aside, what accounts for the persistent denial of
Islamic motives? Why the pretense that no elephant fills the room? An
unwillingness to face the truth invariably smacks of euphemism,
cowardice, political correctness, and appeasement. In this spirit,
Gingrich
argues that "the Obama Administration is willfully blind to the nature
of our enemies and the forces which threaten America. … it's not
ignorance; it's determined effort to avoid [reality]."
[39]
These problems definitely contribute to denial, but something more
basic and more legitimate goes further to explain this reluctance. One
hint comes from a 2007 Ph.D. dissertation in politics submitted by
Gaetano Ilardi
to Monash University in Melbourne. Titled "From the IRA to Al Qa'eda:
Intelligence as a Measure of Rational Action in Terrorist Operations,"
it refers frequently to Islam and related topics; Ilardi has also been
quoted in the press on the topic of
radicalization.
Yet in 2009, as acting senior sergeant of the Victoria police, he was
the most vociferous of his twenty law enforcement colleagues insisting
to this author that the police not publicly mention Islam in any fashion
when discussing terrorism. In other words, wanting not to refer to
Islam can come from someone who knows full well the role of Islam.
Confirming this point,
Daniel Benjamin,
the Obama administration's coordinator for counterterrorism in the U.S.
State Department, explicitly refutes the idea that silence about Islam
means being unaware of it:
Policymakers fully recognize how al Qaeda's ideologues
have appropriated Islamic texts and concepts and fashioned them into a
mantle of religious legitimacy for their bloodshed. As someone who has
written at length about how al Qaeda and the radical groups that
preceded it have picked and chosen from sacred texts, often out of all
context, I have no doubt my colleagues understand the nature of the
threat.[40]
Ilardi and Benjamin know their stuff; they avoid discussing Islam in
connection with terrorism for reasons deeper than political correctness,
ignorance, or appeasement. What are those reasons? Two factors have key
importance: wanting not to alienate Muslims or to reorder society.
Explaining Denial
Not wanting to offend Muslims, a sincere and reasonable goal, is the
reason most often publicly cited. Muslims protest that focusing on
Islam, Islamism, or jihad increases Muslim fears that the West is
engaged in a "war against Islam."
Joseph Lieberman,
for example, notes that the Obama administration prefers not to use the
term "violent Islamist extremists" when referring to the enemy because
using such explicit words "bolsters our enemy's propaganda claim that
the West is at war with Islam."
[41]
Questioned in an interview about his having only once used the term "war on terror,"
Barack Obama
confirmed this point, stating that "words matter in this situation
because one of the ways we're going to win this struggle is through the
battle of hearts and minds." Asked, "So that's not a term you're going
to be using much in the future?" he replied:
You know, what I want to do is make sure that I'm
constantly talking about al Qaeda and other affiliated organizations
because we, I believe, can win over moderate Muslims to recognize that
that kind of destruction and nihilism ultimately leads to a dead end,
and that we should be working together to make sure that everybody has
got a better life.[42]
Daniel
Benjamin makes the same point more lucidly:
Putting the emphasis on "Islamist" instead of on "violent
extremist" undercuts our efforts, since it falsely roots the core
problem in the faith of more than one billion people who abhor violence.
As one internal government study after another has shown, such
statements invariably wind up being distorted in the global media,
alienating Muslim moderates.[43]
This concern actually has two sub-parts for two types of Muslims:
Those who would otherwise help fight terrorism feel insulted ("
a true Muslim can never be a terrorist") and so do not step forward while those who would not normally be involved become radicalized, some even becoming terrorists.
The second reason to inhibit one's talk about Islam concerns the
apprehension that this implies a large and undesirable shift away from
how secular Western societies are ordered. Blaming terrorist attacks on
drugs gone awry, road rage, an arranged marriage, mental cases going
berserk, or freak industrial accidents permits Westerners to avoid
confronting issues concerning Islam. If the jihad explanation is vastly
more persuasive, it is also far more troubling.
When one notes that Islamist terrorism is
almost exclusively
the work of Muslims acting out of Islamic convictions, the implication
follows that Muslims must be singled out for special scrutiny, perhaps
along the lines this author suggested in 2003:
Muslim government employees in law enforcement, the
military and the diplomatic corps need to be watched for connections to
terrorism, as do Muslim chaplains in prisons and the armed forces.
Muslim visitors and immigrants must undergo additional background
checks. Mosques require a scrutiny beyond that applied to churches and
temples.[44]
Implementing such a policy means focusing law enforcement attention
on a community that is defined by its religion. This flies in the face
of liberal, multicultural, and politically correct values; it also will
be portrayed as illegal and perhaps unconstitutional. It means
distinguishing on the basis of a person's group characteristics. It
involves
profiling. These changes have unsettling implications that will be condemned as "
racist" and "
Islamophobic," accusations that can ruin careers in today's public environment.
Islam-related explanations may offer a more persuasive accounting
than turning perpetrators into victims, but the imperative not to tamper
with existing social mores trumps counterterrorism. This accounts for
police, prosecutors, politicians, and professors avoiding the actual
factors behind Islamist attacks and instead finding miscellaneous
mundane motives. Those soothing and inaccurate bromides have the
advantage of implying no changes other than vigilance against weapons.
Dealing with unpleasant realities can be deferred.
Finally, denial appears to work. Just because law enforcement, the
military, and intelligence agencies tiptoe around the twin topics of
Islamic motivation and the disproportionate Islamist terrorism when
addressing the public does not stop these same institutions in practice
from focusing quietly on Islam and Muslims. Indeed, there is plenty of
evidence
that they do just this, and it has led to an effective counterterrorism
effort since 9/11 with close scrutiny on everything from mosques to
hawalas
(informal Muslim financial exchanges). As a result, with rare
exceptions (such as the Fort Hood shooter), Islamist terrorist networks
tend to be stymied and successful assaults tend to come out of nowhere
from perpetrators characterized by sudden jihad syndrome.
Arguing against Denial
While respecting the urge not to aggravate Muslim sensibilities and
acknowledging that the frank discussion of Islam can have major
consequences for ordering society, this author insists on the need to
mention Islam. First, it is not clear how much harm talking about Islam
actually does. Genuine anti-Islamist Muslims insist on Islam being
discussed; Islamists posing as moderates tend to be those who feign
upset about a "war on Islam" and the like.
Second, little evidence points to Muslims being radicalized by mere
discussion of Islamism. Quite the contrary, it is usually something
specific that turns a Muslim in that direction, from the way
American women dress to
drone attacks in Somalia, Yemen, and Pakistan.
Third, while conceding that discussion of Islam has costs, ignoring
it costs more. The need to define the enemy, not just within the
counsels of war but for the public, trumps all other considerations. As
the ancient Chinese strategist Sun Tzu observed, "Know your enemy and
know yourself and you can fight a hundred battles." Karl von
Clausewitz's entire theory of war assumes an accurate assessment of the
enemy. Just as a medical doctor must identify and name a disease before
treating it, so must politicians and generals identify and name the
enemy to defeat it.
To censor oneself limits one's ability to wage war. Avoiding mention
of the enemy's identity sows confusion, harms morale, and squanders
strengths. In brief, it offers a recipe for defeat. Indeed, the annals
of history record no war won when the enemy's very name and identity may
not be uttered; this is all the more so in modern times when defining
the enemy must precede and undergird military victory. If you cannot
name the enemy, you cannot defeat him.
Fourth, even though law enforcement et al. find that saying one thing
in public while doing another in private works, this dishonesty comes
at the high price of creating a
disconnect between the high-flying words of politicians and the sometimes sordid realities of counterterrorism:
- Government employees at risk: On the one hand, out of
fear of being exposed, public servants must hide or lie about their
activities. On the other, to do their work effectively, they must run
afoul of studiously impartial government regulations, or even break the
law.
- A confused public: Policy statements piously reject any link
between Islam and terrorism even as counterterrorism implicitly makes
just such a connection.
- Advantage Islamists: They (1) point out that government
declarations are mere puffery hiding what is really a war against Islam;
and (2) win Muslim recruits by asking them whom they believe,
straight-talking Islamists or insincere politicians.
- "Security theater" and other pantomimes:
To convince observers that Muslims are not specifically targeted,
others are hauled in for show purposes, wasting finite time and
resources.[45]
- An increase in resentments and prejudices: People keep their
mouths shut but their minds are working. An open public discussion, in
which one could condemn Islamists while supporting moderate Muslims,
would lead to a better understanding of the problem.
- Vigilance discouraged: The campaign of "If You See Something, Say Something"
is fine but what are the costs of reporting dubious behavior by a
neighbor or a passenger who turns out to be innocent? Although vigilant neighbors
have been an important source of counterterrorism leads, anyone who
reports his worries opens himself up to vilification as a racist or
"Islamophobe," damage to one's career, or even a law suit.[46]
Thus does the unwillingness to acknowledge the Islamist motives
behind most terrorism obstruct effective counterterrorism and render
further atrocities more likely.
When Denial Will End
Denial is likely to continue until the price gets too steep. The
3,000 victims of 9/11, it turns out, did not suffice to shake Western
complacency. 30,000 dead, in all likelihood, will also not suffice.
Perhaps 300,000 will. For sure, three million will. At that point,
worries about Muslim sensibilities and fear of being called an
"Islamophobe" will fade into irrelevance, replaced by a single-minded
determination to protect lives. Should the existing order someday be in
evident danger, today's relaxed approach will instantly go out the
window. The popular support for such measures exists; as early as 2004, a
Cornell University poll showed that 44 percent of Americans "believe that some curtailment of civil liberties is necessary for Muslim Americans."
[47]
Israel offers a control case. Because it faces so many threats, the
body politic lacks patience with liberal pieties when it comes to
security. While aspiring to treat everyone fairly, the government
clearly targets the most violent-prone elements of society. Should other
Western countries face a
comparable danger, circumstances will likely compel them to adopt this same approach.
Conversely, should such mass dangers not arise, this shift will
probably never take place. Until and unless disaster on a large scale
strikes, denial will continue. Western tactics, in other words, depend
entirely on the brutality and competence of the Islamist enemy.
Ironically, the West permits terrorists to drive its approach to
counterterrorism. No less ironically, it will take a huge terrorist
atrocity to enable effective counterterrorism.
Addressing Denial
In the meantime, those who wish to strengthen counterterrorism by acknowledging the role of Islam have three tasks.
First, intellectually to prepare themselves and their arguments so
when calamity occurs they possess a fully elaborated, careful, and just
program that focuses on Muslims without doing injustice to them.
Second, continue to convince those averse to mentioning Islam that
discussing it is worth the price; this means addressing their concerns,
not bludgeoning them with insults. It means accepting the legitimacy of
their hesitance, using sweet reason, and letting the barrage of Islamist
attacks have their effect.
Third, prove that talking about Islamism does not lead to perdition
by establishing the costs of not naming the enemy and of not identifying
Islamism as a factor; noting that Muslim governments, including the
Saudi one, acknowledge that Islamism leads to terrorism; stressing that
moderate Muslims who oppose Islamism want Islamism openly discussed;
addressing the fear that frank talk about Islam alienates Muslims and
spurs violence; and demonstrating that profiling can be done in a
constitutionally approved way.
In brief, even without an expectation of effecting a change in policy, there is much work to be done.
Daniel Pipes (www.DanielPipes.org)
is president of the Middle East Forum. He initially delivered this
paper at the Institute for Counter-Terrorism in Herzliya, Israel.
[1] Protecting the Force: Lessons from Fort Hood, Department of Defense, Washington, D.C., Jan. 2010.
[2] The Australian (Sydney)
, Nov. 7, 2009.
[3] Associated Press, Nov. 5, 2012.
[4] Protecting the Force: Lessons from Fort Hood, p. 18, fn. 22.
[5] "
List of Islamic Terror Attacks," TheReligionOfPeace.com, accessed Dec. 19, 2012.
[6] The New York Times,
Nov. 9. 1990.
[7] The Independent (London), Sept. 19, 1997.
[8] Uriel Heilman, "
Murder on the Brooklyn Bridge,"
Middle East Quarterly, Summer 2001, pp. 29-37.
[9] The Houston Chronicle,
Feb. 26, 1997.
[10] Time Magazine,
Jan. 21, 2002.
[11] "
Terror in LA?"
Honest Reporting (Toronto), July 8, 2002.
[12] Los Angeles Times, Oct. 26, 2002.
[13] Daniel Pipes, "
Murder in the 101st Airborne,"
The New York Post, Mar. 25, 2003.
[14] Brett Kline, "
Two Sons of France,"
The Jerusalem Post Magazine, Jan. 21, 2010.
[15] "
Italy: McDonald's Jihad Foiled," Jihad Watch, Mar. 30, 2004.
[16] The Washington Post, Jan. 11, 2005.
[17] Los Angeles Times,
July 30, 2006.
[18] San Francisco Chronicle, Aug. 30, 2006.
[19] Phyllis Chesler, "
Are Honor Killings Simply Domestic Violence?"
Middle East Quarterly, Spring 2009, pp. 61-9.
[20] Dateline, NBC,
Sept. 21, 2001.
[21] Remarks, The Islamic Center of Washington, D.C.,
June 27, 2007.
[22] Remarks, UNITY 2004 Conference, Washington D.C.,
Aug. 6, 2004.
[23] Al-Arabiya News Channel (Dubai),
Oct. 5, 2007.
[24] Anderson Cooper 360 Degrees,
Feb. 3, 2009.
[25] Testimony before the U.S. House Judiciary Committee, Washington, D.C.,
May 13, 2010.
[26] Testimony before the U.S. House Committee for Homeland Security, Washington, D.C.,
Dec. 13, 2011.
[27] Remarks, U.N. General Assembly, New York,
Sept. 23, 2010.
[28] "
Nine Years after 9/11:
Confronting the Terrorist Threat to the Homeland," statement to the
U.S. Senate Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs,
Washington, D.C., Sept. 22, 2010.
[29] Newt Gingrich, "America Is at Risk," American Enterprise Institute, Washington, D.C., July 29, 2010.
[30] Ibid.
[31] Speech to the Los Angeles World Affairs Council,
Aug. 1, 2006.
[32] Speech at the Foreign Policy Centre, London,
Aug. 25, 2005.
[33] Munich Security Conference,
Feb. 5, 2011.
[34] Alexandr Vondra, "
Radical Islam Poses a Major Challenge to Europe,"
Middle East Quarterly, Summer 2007, pp. 66-8.
[35] Joseph Lieberman, "
Who's the Enemy in the War on Terror?"
The Wall Street Journal, June 15, 2010.
[36] "
The Great Test of This Generation," speech to the National Press Club, Washington, D.C.,
National Review Online, July 20, 2006.
[37] Scalia J.,
dissenting, Lakhdar Boumediene, et al., Petitioners, Supreme Court of
the United States v. George W. Bush, President of the United States, et
al.; Khaled A. F. Al Odah, next friend of Fawzikhalid Abdullah Fahad Al
Odah, et al., Petitioners v. United States, et al., June 12, 2008.
[38] New York: 2007, p. 8.
[39] Gingrich, "America Is at Risk."
[40] Daniel Benjamin, "
Name It and Claim It, or Name It and Inflame It?"
The Wall Street Journal, June 24, 2010.
[41] Lieberman, "
Who's the Enemy in the War on Terror?"
[42] Anderson Cooper 360 Degrees,
Feb. 3, 2009.
[43] Benjamin, "
Name It and Claim It, or Name It and Inflame It?"
[44] Daniel Pipes,
"The Enemy Within and the Need for Profiling,"
The New York Post, Jan. 24, 2003.
[45] Daniel Pipes, "
Security Theater Now Playing at Your Airport,"
The Jerusalem Post, Jan. 6, 2010.
[46] M. Zuhdi Jasser, "
Exposing the 'Flying Imams,'"
Middle East Quarterly, Winter 2008, pp. 3-11.
[47] "
Fear Factor,"
Cornell News (Ithaca), Dec. 17, 2004.
Gov. Chris Christie in this March 17 file photo.
13 January 2011
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