Saturday, June 29, 2013

A Davos grows in the desert

May 8, 2013: 8:00 PM ET

bellagio-fountainsAnthony Scaramucci has elevated a Vegas hedge fund confab into a conference of big ideas.

FORTUNE -- Hedge fund-of-funds manager Anthony Scaramucci is often referred to by his nickname, "the Mooch." His hair is coiffed, his shirts are pink, and he likes to throw off brow-raising quotes with the recklessness of a man who's living in a powder keg and giving off sparks. Take, for example, what he told New York Magazine last spring: "I am a total shit-stirrer ... My middle name could be Shit-stirrer, except then my initials on my shirt would be a.s.s., and I can't have that."
In other words, Scaramucci isn't who you'd imagine as the creator of an event that finds statesmen like Bill Clinton and Colin Powell rubbing shoulders with economist Austan Goolsbee and Hollywood director Oliver Stone. Yet his SkyBridge Alternatives Conference (SALT), named for his firm Skybridge Capital, has grown from just another hedge fund conference in Las Vegas into a gathering of influential thinkers, politicians, and philanthropists -- all with a celebrity sheen.
At this year's event, which kicked off yesterday and runs through Friday, participants will hear former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak discuss geopolitics with Leon Panetta. They'll watch Obama advisor Robert Wolf moderate a discussion on citizenship vs. partisanship between Scott Brown, Barney Frank, Harold Ford, and Karl Rove. Between sessions, SALT-goers might run into Al Pacino. Or watch him speak later, after which the band Train will perform. Also on the speaker list are Wall Street players like Mike Novogratz, Dan Loeb, John Paulson, and Sam Zell.
This lineup sets SALT apart from the long list of global hedge fund confabs. Such events usually are thrown by conference companies and driven by sponsors. Or they're hosted by investment banks and act as marketing exercises for hedge fund managers who want to attract new investors.
To be sure, SALT is still a flurry of hedge fund activity -- with money managers and bankers and reps from the big institutional investors networking by the pool. And there are plenty of panels with names like "Covering Your Assets: A Crash Course on Investing in a Macro Driven Environment" and "From Peril to Profit: the Art of Activist and Distressed Investing."
MORE: Cooperman: Bill Ackman is 'foolish'
But SkyBridge believes that SALT has the potential to become a place for big ideas with wide appeal. "We invite the people who organize conferences that we admire and can learn from," says Victor Oviedo, a SkyBridge partner who helped conceive of SALT. "We're not at the level of a Davos or a Sun Valley or Milken Conference, but we're working toward that and learn a lot from those events."
SALT has grown from 500 attendees in 2009 to more than 1,800 this week. And, as at Davos or Sun Valley, some of the hottest events are not on the SALT agenda, but are the exclusive cocktail and dinner parties thrown by banks and financiers during the event. And SALT is giving more time to philanthropy, hosting a spinning class to benefit cancer research and having Human Rights Campaign president Chad Griffin discuss how business is supporting the fight for gay civil rights.
When asked why he and SkyBridge started SALT, Scaramucci said: "Originally I just wanted to raise the profile of my firm and the industry."
And Scaramucci wanted to defy president Obama, whom he supported in 2008 but then abandoned in 2012 in favor of Mitt Romney. It was February of 2009 and Obama had just excoriated bailed-out financial firms for misusing taxpayer money. "You are not going to be able to give out these big bonuses until you pay taxpayers back," Obama had said at a town hall meeting. "You can't get corporate jets. You can't go take a trip to Las Vegas or go down to the Super Bowl on the taxpayers' dime."
Unsurprisingly, lots of firms cancelled events in Vegas, and the industry took cover. "I wanted people to know that we, at SkyBridge and as an industry, were still alive," Scaramucci says.
So Scaramucci and Oviedo decided to throw a big conference in Las Vegas where hedge fund managers could meet and try to make sense of what had happened in the marketplace.
"Not understanding the system as a whole had led to problems of the meltdown in the first place," Oviedo says. "That's why we decided to have speakers who could discuss geopolitics and public policy, since what happens in the Middle East or Korea affect the economy and investment strategies." By 2011 it was clear that those big-picture discussions were among the most popular, along with panels on philanthropy.
MORE: The lucrative investment trend hedge funds don't want you to know about
SkyBridge is still learning as it goes along, planning SALT based on what firm employees find interesting and on participant feedback. "I want people with a point of view who will spark conversation," says Scaramucci. "It's an ideological conference." Oviedo, who is a Democrat, adds that he has been careful to feature speakers from across the political spectrum to provide a balanced debate.
Make no mistake, SALT has been SkyBridge's most successful marketing tool. When the firm opened in 2005 it had three employees and no assets. After the financial crisis put many fund-of-funds out of business, industry insiders debated the future of firms like SkyBridge, and some investors left. But SkyBridge now has about $7.6 billion in assets under advisement or management, even though Scaramucci remains a polarizing figure.
And SkyBridge's big conference has pushed into Asia, holdings its first SALT Singapore last fall. "We still don't have a plan for what SALT will become," says Oviedo. "We're still just focused on making the type of conference we want to attend. So expect more speakers who think outside the box of the financial world. Expect discussions and debates about things that hedge fund managers don't think about every day. And expect memorable storytelling and ideas."

Controversies Risk Starving Obama's Agenda Of Air

Credit Jack Plunkett / AP
The controversies facing his administration could be creating a stiff headwind for President Obama's second-term agenda.
Originally published on Tue May 14, 2013 2:55 pm
This was the critical moment, the brief time between his inaugural and when the nation's collective focus turns to whom his successor will be, when President Obama had to make real progress on his second-term agenda and thus forge his legacy.
Instead, the president finds his administration, the public, Congress and the news media distracted by controversies over Benghazi, the Internal Revenue Service's targeting of conservative groups and a leak investigation in which the Justice Department secretly obtained months of phone records of Associated Press journalists.
The result? Precious time White House officials and other Democrats hoped to spend on pushing the president's goals is instead being spent on damage control, and with dubious effect at that.
It's certainly too early to declare that the Obama presidency is, for all intents, over. But the cluster of controversies puts the president's ambitious second-term agenda at risk, says long-time Washington watcher James Thurber, director of American University's Center for Presidential and Congressional Studies.
"He really only has about five months to deal with some major issues like gun control, but also, of course, immigration and the grand bargain," said Thurber, referring to a deficit-reduction deal with Republicans to reduce spending and increase tax revenues.
"In terms of the long-term, historical evaluation of this presidency, they're probably not going to be that important," Thurber said of the controversies.
"But certainly, given the way he has to build momentum for domestic issues, he has to reframe and it's very hard to reframe while he's being hammered over these two issues." (I talked with Thurber before news came late Monday of the Justice Department's AP probe.)
Given his sense, based on available information, that the IRS's targeting of conservative groups for higher scrutiny for tax-exemption purposes, "wasn't ordered by the White House, that there wasn't a Richard Nixon-style enemies list," Thurber said the controversies will likely fade and be supplanted by larger policy questions, like what to do about Syria.
But all the controversies taken together "takes what little central core political authority away from him and he has to pursue his policies in other ways, like through the regulatory process, executive orders and a variety of other things," Thurber said.
The greatest danger now, he said, comes in the form of the drag the controversies could create to stop major legislative efforts dead in their tracks.
"The immediate problem may be with immigration. It's so close, anything could upset it," Thurber said. "It could take the political oxygen out of the air for the survival of immigration. ... They'll have to do it between now and August or it's going to be very hard to get one through. This slows it down."
Legislation, especially of the controversial kind, requires a head of steam to overcome opposition. The confluence of controversies, "certainly slows things down. And there needs to be a certain amount of momentum and speed on that or we will not have an immigration bill," Thurber said.
The best hope the president has to save immigration and the rest of his agenda from stall speed is to get out the truth about the controversies and fast. That is the hard-earned lessons of scandals that harmed past presidencies from Nixon to Ronald Reagan to Bill Clinton.
"You just have to get to the basis of it quickly and reveal it and move on," Thurber said. "Yes, it hurts but it will go away. Unless he lies."

Secret Docs Show Foreclosure Watchdog Doesn’t Bark or Bite

Government documents show that GMAC, the country's fifth largest mortgage servicer, had seriously mishandled many loan modifications yet did not suffer a penalty. (Rebecca Cook/Reuters file photo)
Why has the administration’s flagship foreclosure prevention program been so ineffective in helping struggling homeowners get loan modifications and stay in their homes? One reason: The government’s supervision of the program has apparently ranged from nonexistent to weak.
Documents obtained by ProPublica—government audit reports of GMAC, the country’s fifth-largest mortgage servicer—provide the first detailed look at the program’s oversight. They show that the company operated with almost no oversight for the program’s first eight months. When auditors did finally conduct a major review more than a year into the program, they found that GMAC had seriously mishandled many loan modifications—miscalculating homeowner income in more than 80 percent of audited cases, for example. Yet, GMAC suffered no penalty. GMAC itself said it hasn’t reversed a single foreclosure as a result of a government audit.
The documents also reveal that government auditors signed off on GMAC loan-modification denials that appear to violate the program’s own rules, calling into question the rigor and competence of the reviews.
Some of the auditors’ mistakes are “appalling,” said Diane Thompson of the National Consumer Law Center, an advocacy group. “It suggests the government isn’t taking the auditing process seriously.”
In a written response to ProPublica's questions, a spokeswoman for the Treasury Department, which runs the program, denied there were serious flaws in its oversight system, calling it “effective and unprecedented in many ways.”
The audits of GMAC, though revealing, give only a limited view into the program, because the Treasury has refused to release the documents for other servicers. For more than a year, through a Freedom of Information Act request, ProPublica has sought the audits of 10 of the largest program participants. The Treasury provided only GMAC’s audits, because the company consented to their release. ProPublica continues to seek all of the reports.
Abuses of the foreclosure process, in which banks and mortgage servicers cut corners or even created false documents to move troubled borrowers out of their homes, have been extensively documented, along with failures by government to regulate the industry. But the lapses revealed in the documents obtained by ProPublica stand out because they occurred within the government’s main effort to prevent foreclosures, the Home Affordable Modification Program.

Oversight shrouded in secrecy

For HAMP’s first two years, the government offered very little public detail about its oversight efforts. It was virtually impossible for the public—or even Congress—to know how well the banks and mortgage servicers were complying with the government’s effort to prevent struggling homeowners from losing their homes. Those years were crucial, because that’s when servicers evaluated the vast majority of homeowners eligible for a modification—about 3 million.
The documents obtained by ProPublica show auditors finding serious problems at a major servicer during that time. Instead of publicly revealing the findings, Treasury chose to privately request that GMAC fix the problems.
“For two years, they’ve known how abysmal servicers were performing, and decided to do nothing,” said Neil Barofsky, the former special inspector general for the Troubled Asset Relief Program, better known as TARP or the bank bailout, which provided the money for HAMP.
“It demonstrates that if you have a set of rules for which compliance is completely voluntary and no meaningful consequences for those who violate them, having all the audits and reviews in the world are not going to make a bit of difference,” he continued. “It’s why the program has been a colossal failure.”
Treasury continued to release few details about its audits until June, when it began publishing quarterly reports based on the audits’ results. The public report showed what Treasury called “substantial” problems at four of the 10 largest servicers—Bank of America, JPMorgan Chase, Wells Fargo and Ocwen—and Treasury for the first time withheld taxpayer subsidies from three of them.
Mortgage servicers that signed up for the program agreed to follow strict guidelines on how to evaluate struggling homeowners seeking reduced mortgage payments. In exchange, the servicers would receive taxpayer subsidies. But as we’ve reported extensively, the largest servicers haven’t abided by the guidelines. Homeowners have often been foreclosed on in the midst of reviews for a modification or denied because of the servicer’s error. For many homeowners, navigating what was supposed to have been a simple, straightforward program has proven a maddening ordeal.
HAMP has fallen dramatically short of the administration’s initial goal to help 3 million to 4 million homeowners. So far, fewer than 800,000 homeowners have received loan modifications through HAMP, or fewer than one in four of those who applied.
As part of the $700 billion bailout program, HAMP was launched in early 2009 with a $50 billion budget to encourage loan modifications by paying subsidies to servicers, investors and homeowners. But only about $1.6 billion has gone out so far.
GMAC said it agreed to release its audits under the program because the company “believes in honoring the spirit of the Freedom of Information Act process” and “elected to be transparent on our work with the [modification] program,” spokeswoman Gina Proia said.
GMAC's parent company has changed its name to Ally Financial, but its mortgage division is still called GMAC. The government owns a majority stake in Ally because it rescued the company with TARP funds, but both the company and the Treasury said that didn’t factor into the company’s decision to allow the documents to be released.
ProPublica contacted all nine servicers that objected to the reports’ release. All either declined to comment on why they wanted the audits kept secret or defended keeping them out of the public domain by saying the reports contained confidential information. Collectively, these companies have so far been paid more than $471 million—dubbed “servicer incentive payments”—through the program. They are eligible for hundreds of millions more. The country’s four largest banks—Bank of America, JPMorgan Chase, Wells Fargo and Citigroup—are also the largest servicers of mortgage loans.
In its written response, Treasury’s spokeswoman said it agreed to withhold the records in part because they could undermine “frank communications between mortgage servicers and compliance examiners” and hurt the program’s effectiveness. The department declined to provide either redacted versions or an index of the documents.

Early reviews “useless” and flawed

Since the program’s beginning, homeowner advocates have wondered where HAMP’s watchdog was and why it was having so little effect. That watchdog is Freddie Mac, tapped by Treasury in February 2009 and working under a contract worth $116 million and rising. The Freddie Mac unit, now staffed with 121 employees and employing about 150 more through contractors, is supposed to regularly audit servicers in the program to make sure they are following the rules. Treasury is ultimately responsible for deciding whether to punish a servicer but relies on auditors’ findings to make that decision.
It took several months for the unit to even get off the ground. In August 2009, Treasury rejected Freddie Mac’s first reviews of servicers as inadequate because they were “inconsistent and incomplete” and its staff was “unqualified,” according to a report by the TARP’s special inspector general. Freddie Mac promised to improve. That process took several more months.
As a result, for the program’s crucial first eight months, there was effectively no watchdog. Nationwide, servicers filed to pursue foreclosure on about 2 million loans during that time.
Treasury disputed the idea that there was no watchdog for those months, saying that auditors had performed “readiness reviews” of servicers as early as May 2009, one month after the program was begun. The documents obtained by ProPublica, however, show that Freddie Mac’s auditing unit, called Making Home Affordable—Compliance (MHA-C), didn’t issue its first report for GMAC until early December 2009.
That audit was a modest effort that involved collecting a sample of 323 loans handled by GMAC and determining whether they’d been properly reviewed for the program. Because of the delays in starting the reviews, the report was based on a sample of loans that was five months old. Such delays continued into 2010. Another Freddie Mac review, completed at the end of March 2010, was based on GMAC loans selected in October of the previous year.
The delays make those reviews “largely useless to homeowners,” said Thompson of the National Consumer Law Center. If a homeowner lost a house to foreclosure in July, it wouldn’t help to have an auditor notice that several months later, she explained.
The December 2009 audit noted that GMAC might have already foreclosed on loans that auditors had flagged as potentially mishandled, but didn’t order remedial steps. It only requested that GMAC not take “further action.”
GMAC said it had never reversed a foreclosure action as a result of a HAMP audit. ProPublica put the same question to the other nine servicers that objected to the audits’ release. American Home Mortgage Servicing, the only other servicer that answered the question, said it also had never reversed a foreclosure action due to a HAMP audit.
American Home handles about 384,000 loans, putting it among the 10 largest servicers in the program.
A Treasury spokeswoman said that auditors have reviewed more than 50,000 loan files, but did not directly answer whether a servicer had ever reversed a foreclosure action because of a HAMP audit. Where auditors have found problems, she wrote, the department has “required servicers to take steps to tighten controls” and “re-evaluate any borrowers who may have been potentially impacted.”
In early 2010, around the same time that the auditing unit was issuing its first reports, auditors complained that servicers’ lack of responsiveness to their requests was hampering their efforts. Getting the right documents from servicers was "a cumbersome process," the head of Freddie Mac’s audit team, Paul Heran, said in February 2010 at a mortgage industry conference. It seemed, he added, that servicers often relegated responding to the auditors to low-level staff who didn’t understand the requests. Another manager in the unit, Vic O’Laughlen, said servicers tended to respond with “at best 50 percent of what we’re expecting to see.”
However uncooperative the banks and mortgage services may have been, Freddie Mac’s auditing reports contain errors that call into question their reliability.
Every few months, the auditors examine a sample of the servicer’s loans that have been denied a HAMP modification to check whether the denials were legitimate. In each GMAC report reviewed by ProPublica, auditors found that the servicer had, with very few exceptions, given the homeowner fair and appropriate consideration. But among the justifications listed in the audits are some that violate the program’s rules or simply don’t make sense.
For instance, the December 2009 review said that 35 of the 247 loans that auditors reviewed were denied because the homeowner was “less than 60 days delinquent.” In the report, auditors said that was the right decision in all but one case. But being less than 60 days delinquent is never on its own a legitimate reason for a servicer to deny a modification, according to the program rules. Homeowners are eligible for a modification even if they’re current on their loans, as long as they can show they’re in imminent danger of defaulting.
Another example: Auditors agreed that GMAC had correctly denied a homeowner because of a failure to sign a trial modification offer by Dec. 31, 2012, HAMP’s end date. That makes no sense, because the review took place in 2009. Treasury’s spokeswoman said this was a typo and that the homeowner was denied for a completely different reason.
There are several other examples in later reports of auditors signing off on denial reasons that have no apparent basis in the program’s rules. For instance, auditors cited “grandfathered foreclosure” as a legitimate reason for some denials. The spokeswoman said such loans had been in the foreclosure process before GMAC signed up for the program, but the program rules explicitly stated at the time that such loans were eligible.
When ProPublica asked GMAC if it had denied homeowners loan modifications for these reasons, the company said it couldn’t comment because auditors, not GMAC, had generated those descriptions of why homeowners had been denied. In some cases, Proia said, the descriptions were simply wrong: GMAC had never denied homeowners simply because they weren’t 60 days delinquent.
But Treasury defended the questionable denials, and in so doing raised even more questions. For instance, the spokeswoman said HAMP “does not specifically require servicers to evaluate loans that are less than 60 days delinquent.” But Treasury’s official guidance to servicers said such borrowers “must be screened.”
“It makes you wonder if the Treasury even knows the rules for their own program,” said the National Consumer Law Center’s Thompson.
A congressionally appointed panel, among others, has pointed to a fundamental flaw in the way the oversight was carried out: Auditors have had no direct contact with homeowners. The program has been dogged by servicers’ inadequate document systems. Borrowers have long reported faxing and mailing the same documents over and over, because servicers kept losing them. Servicers have denied about a quarter of all modification applications due to an alleged lack of documentation. Because HAMP’s auditors do not contact borrowers, the auditors have no way of determining whether a denial for inadequate documentation was correct.
In response to this criticism from the Congressional Oversight Panel for the TARP in December 2010, Treasury said auditors did not contact homeowners to avoid giving them added stress. The panel rejected that reason, saying that contacting borrowers was “critical to assessing the accuracy of a servicer’s determination.”
Instead of talking with borrowers, auditors conduct on-site reviews of mortgage servicing companies, Treasury’s spokeswoman said in her written response to ProPublica. Treasury believes that focusing “on servicer processes and internal controls is the most effective deployment of our compliance efforts,” she wrote.

Detailed audit shows serious problems

It wasn’t until July 2010—16 months after HAMP was launched—that the unit performed its first major audit of GMAC. The review included a visit to GMAC’s offices and a detailed review of a sample of loans.
The report enumerated various rules violations, including in GMAC's evaluation of homeowners for modifications. GMAC’s practice was to begin the foreclosure process too quickly: The program required the servicer to give the homeowner 30 days to respond to a trial modification offer, but GMAC’s procedure was to wait only 20.
GMAC’s Proia said no homeowners were “negatively impacted by this issue.”
Auditors also found that GMAC was regularly miscalculating homeowners' income. In a review of 25 loan files of homeowners who had received modifications, the auditors said 21 involved a miscalculation of income. Since income is a key factor in whether a homeowner qualifies for a modification, the high error rate raises obvious questions about whether GMAC was accurately evaluating homeowners’ applications.
Asked about the frequent income miscalculations, GMAC’s Proia said the “issue was identified in the early stages of the program,” that calculating the borrower’s income is a “complicated process” and that GMAC has improved since the mid-2010 review—an assertion backed up by recent audit results published by the Treasury.
The July 2010 review also found that GMAC had been aware of certain problems such as “incorrect income and expense calculations” but had not fixed them. Proia said the company does its best to fix problems when it becomes aware of them.

Penalties: late and weak

Typical of the Treasury’s oversight of the program, GMAC was never penalized for any of the rules violations. For the first two years of the program, Treasury officials publicly threatened servicers with possible penalties but instead followed a cooperative approach. When auditors found problems, servicers were asked to fix them.
The documents illustrate as much. In response to the auditors’ findings, GMAC was required to develop an “action plan.” GMAC refused to provide the action plan to ProPublica and recommended seeking it and similar documents by filing a Freedom of Information Act request with the Treasury.
Treasury has sent mixed messages about its ability to penalize banks over the course of the program, threatening “monetary penalties and sanctions” in late 2009 and then saying it lacked the power to enforce such penalties. Treasury finally departed from its cooperative approach in June, when it withheld incentive payments from three of the top 10 servicers. (GMAC was not among them.) The companies would not receive the public subsidies for completing modifications until they made certain changes. The companies were cited for some of the same problems for which auditors had criticized GMAC, such as regularly miscalculating borrowers' income. JPMorgan Chase, for instance, had erred in estimating income in about a third of the homeowner loan files reviewed.
The punishment hasn’t had much sting. Incentive payments were restored for one of the three companies when Treasury’s most recent report declared it’d improved. Chase and Bank of America, the country’s largest servicer, would continue to have their incentives withheld, Treasury said.
But while those incentives have slowed, they have not stopped, according to Treasury’s monthly TARP reports. Since June, when Treasury first announced it would withhold incentives, Bank of America has received $2.5 million in taxpayer incentives. While that’s a steep reduction from the roughly $7.5 million it had been receiving monthly, the bank is supposed to get nothing. Chase received $404,000 during that same time.
Treasury responded that it has programs to encourage modifications on both first and second mortgages, and that the payments Bank of America and Chase received were related to second mortgages. “Current system limitations” meant the Treasury couldn’t withhold these payments, according to the Treasury spokeswoman. Treasury is working to fix the problem, she said.
Correction (10/5): An earlier version of this story mistakenly stated that the Treasury has restored HAMP incentive payments for two of the three companies that had previously had their payments withheld. In fact, only one company had its payments restored. We regret the error.

Secret Documents Show Weak Oversight of Key Foreclosure Program

(Image: The Associated Press)
Nov. 12: This post was updated to include details of documents ProPublica obtained after the story's publication.
The Obama administration launched its main program to prevent foreclosures in the spring of 2009 with $50 billion and abundant promises. What the Home Affordable Modification Program, or HAMP, lacked — and wouldn’t have for years — was effective oversight of the big banks that were crucial to the program’s success.
Documents obtained by ProPublica shed new light on this failing in 2009 and 2010, when the foreclosure crisis was at its peak and six million American homeowners were in danger of losing their homes. HAMP required mortgage servicers to offer loan modifications to eligible homeowners so that their monthly payments would be lower. The servicers — the largest of which were owned by the banks that had fueled the crisis in the first place — were in charge of reviewing homeowner applications, but the government set the rules and was supposed to supervise their work.
But the documents show that the government did not complete a major audit of the two largest banks in the program, Bank of America and Wells Fargo, until over a year after the program launched.
Such audits were rare at the other large mortgage servicers throughout 2009 and 2010, according to the documents. During these years, when the government provided little oversight and administered no sanctions, servicers reviewed 2.7 million modification applications and denied two-thirds of them. Meanwhile, homeowners regularly complained they had been mistreated by servicers in the program.
The documents also show how the Treasury Department coddled servicers that weren’t complying with the program’s rules. Once a year, servicers are required to certify that they are complying with the program’s rules. But servicers define for themselves what it means to comply. A company that admits violating the rules is allowed to merely submit a cover letter with their certification stating the exceptions and how it would fix the problems.
For instance, on September 28, 2010, PNC Mortgage submitted its certification. Along with that certification, it disclosed five “instances of noncompliance” or “gaps,” as it called them, along with its plans to address the issues (“steps”).

Like all of the documents ProPublica received, PNC’s letters are heavily redacted, so the nature of their “gaps” and “steps” remains secret.
The Treasury defended the oversight of HAMP. “The robust nature of our compliance program, together with the steps we have taken to strengthen protections for homeowners under the program, are critical reasons why homeowners who enter HAMP today show a strong likelihood of long-term success to avoid foreclosure,” said a Treasury spokeswoman.
Prying loose the documents
The documents were hard to obtain. They came as a result of two Freedom of Information Act requests by ProPublica. Initially, the Treasury Department, which administers HAMP, refused to release any documents at all. It was only after ProPublica appealed the denial that Treasury agreed to release some documents, although with large portions blacked out.
One of our requests has dragged on for more than two years, and even after all that time, the department continues to withhold certain documents, though it says it intends to turn over more. (See here for a full index of the documents we’ve obtained so far. If we receive more, we will add them to our collection when we receive them.)
Update: On Nov. 9, ProPublica received another batch of documents. Treasury said it was the final response to our requests. We've updated our index to reflect the new documents.
In some cases, the Treasury even withheld the documents of servicers who never objected to their release. When ProPublica informed the Treasury that certain servicers had said they had no objection to releasing the documents, the Treasury finally turned them over.
“It seems like they’re trying to prevent the information from getting out,” said Rick Blum, coordinator of the Sunshine in Government Initiative, a coalition of media groups. FOIA protects business trade secrets from being divulged, but Blum doubts whether that exception is being fairly applied in this case. The documents mainly concern how servicers were breaking HAMP’s rules, he noted, and “a screw-up is not a trade secret.”
A Treasury Department spokeswoman said HAMP has brought “an unprecedented level of transparency” to the mortgage servicing industry and servicers are “subject to an unprecedented level of compliance oversight.”
That’s damning by faint praise, say consumer advocates. “The reason that the level of transparency and accountability is ‘unprecedented’ is because no one has ever held servicers to account. Just because you have something where before there was nothing, that doesn’t mean that something works or is effective,” said Diane Thompson of the National Consumer Law Center.
Audits slow and rare
By now, HAMP’s disappointing performance is well known. The program was launched with President Obama’s promise to help three to four million homeowners avoid foreclosure. Three and a half years later, the program is only approaching 1.1 million modifications. It’s spent just $4 billion of its original $50 billion budget.
A recent study found a big reason for the program’s failure was that, despite all its rules, it didn’t change the behavior of the biggest banks. The banks did a poor job of modifying loans before HAMP was launched and weren't much better after.
To oversee the program, the Treasury awarded Freddie Mac a $209 million contract to be the program’s watchdog. Freddie Mac formed a group, called Making Home Affordable – Compliance, or MHA-C for short, but it got off to an inauspicious start. In August 2009, Treasury rejected its first reviews of servicers as inadequate because they were “inconsistent and incomplete” and its staff was “unqualified.”
The Treasury has refused to turn over MHA-C’s audit reports — with one exception. The servicer GMAC Mortgage expressly consented to the release of the documents. Those audits, we reported last year, revealed that the servicer had seriously mishandled many loan modifications. MHA-C’s audits themselves contained numerous errors, calling into question the competence of the reviews.
The Treasury didn’t dispute the fact that no major audits of the biggest banks were completed until well after HAMP’s launch. But the spokeswoman said “it is important to note that Treasury began unprecedented reviews of servicer compliance with program directives within the first months of program implementation.” Those earlier “compliance activities” included “on-site reviews” and “sampling of homeowner loan file reviews,” she said.
But the GMAC audits show how cursory those earlier reviews could be. In December 2009, MHA-C reviewed a sample of files, but when it reported its findings to GMAC, it told the servicer that the report was “being provided for informative purposes only, and no response is required from you at this time.” GMAC itself was not the subject of a major audit until July 2010. It was never penalized.
In the new batch of documents, the government has kept secret the audits themselves. But ProPublica has obtained the servicers’ written responses to the audits (see here for an index of the documents). The Treasury scrubbed or withheld almost all of the responses’ substantive content. Even so, they reveal some basic facts.
The watchdog was very slow to conduct major audits of the biggest servicers. MHA-C’s first major audit of Bank of America, the largest servicer in the program, wasn’t completed until July of 2010, more than a year after HAMP launched. The first major audit of Wells Fargo was completed in August of 2010.
By July of 2010, Wells and Bank of America had already denied about 430,000 homeowners a HAMP modification.
Even for big banks that received an audit sooner, oversight was infrequent, the documents show. JPMorgan Chase, the other mortgage servicing titan, received a major audit within HAMP’s first year, but through all of 2009 and 2010, it only responded to two major audits. CitiMortgage, the fourth largest servicer, only received three major audits in that time period.
When Treasury did conduct a major audit of one of the big banks, it often reviewed files that were many months old. A Wells Fargo audit delivered in March of 2011, for example, covered a “review period” of “May/June 2010.”
Once the audits were finished and delivered to the servicers, there was another delay: servicers had a month to respond with “action plans with implementation dates” to address the problems.
A Bank of America audit in late November of 2010 was based on information that was six months old. One month later, Bank of America replied: “In the Report, you requested that Bank of America management respond to the observations, and if we agree, provide a detailed remediation plan, and if we disagree, provide a detailed explanation and evidence to support our position." A page of redacted text follows, so the substance of the bank’s response remains secret.
Bank of America spokesman Rick Simon declined to discuss the communications: “As part of the MHA compliance reporting, servicers may provide information and statements that are of a proprietary and confidential nature, with the full expectation that the Department of Treasury and its agents will treat it appropriately.”
Banks evaluate themselves
In September 2010, the robo-signing scandal hit. A number of the nation’s biggest banks announced they were halting foreclosures to investigate whether they had submitted false filings to courts. The revelations drew immediate attention to mortgage servicers’ failings and eventually led to action by bank regulators and state and federal law enforcement.
Yet the same month that the scandal erupted, mortgage servicers submitted their first annual certification to the Treasury Department that they were complying with HAMP’s rules.
The certifications were toothless. In fact, following a fox-guarding-the-henhouse model, servicers could certify that they were complying even when they were not.
It was up to the servicer to decide whether it was in “material compliance,” according to the certification form. What rose to the level of being a material problem? A Treasury directive gave guidance that is so vague it borders on no guidance at all: “This evaluation of materiality may or may not be quantifiable in monetary terms and should include, but is not limited to, consideration of the nature and frequency of noncompliance as well as qualitative considerations, including the impact on Program goals and objectives.”
If the servicer found that it was, by its own definition, noncompliant, it was required to list the problems and its “action plan” in a separate “cover letter” to be sent with the certification filing. But that was it. There was no penalty.
The Treasury continues to withhold many of the cover letters from ProPublica. Among the documents the Treasury is still keeping secret are the letters for the four largest servicers in the program (Bank of America, Wells Fargo, JPMorgan Chase, and Citibank), although the Treasury has produced their certifications.
Update: On Nov. 9, ProPublica received the cover letters for Bank of America, Wells, Chase, and Citi, among other servicers. All four letters disclosed the banks were not in compliance with HAMP's rules, but Treasury redacted the details.
Still, the documents that ProPublica has received show that several servicers claimed they had no problems to report.
“None to the best of our knowledge,” wrote a GMAC Mortgage executive.
There are reasons to question that statement. Two months earlier, a MHA-C audit had found a number of problems at the servicer, including that it had miscalculated homeowner income in more than 80 percent of audited cases. And that same month, September 2010, GMAC had kicked off the robo-signing scandal by halting its foreclosures across the country.
GMAC spokeswoman Susan Fitzpatrick said the company has “rigorous internal and external controls in place that maintain consistent compliance with HAMP guidelines” and that the servicer was materially compliant with HAMP’s rules when it filed the certification. “The foreclosure issues identified in September 2010 are not related to servicer compliance with HAMP guidelines.”
The Treasury said the certifications were “only one part of a more comprehensive process” that included its audits. “While Treasury uses these certifications as part of the compliance process, certainly we do not rely solely on servicers to self-identify and report their weaknesses,” said the department’s spokeswoman. Servicers were allowed to define materiality for themselves in the certifications because, she said, a “‘one size fits all’ approach would not have been practical.”
“All instances of non-compliance are tracked and pursued to ensure that servicers have and are executing against remediation plans, and that any potentially-affected homeowners are identified and re-evaluated if applicable,” she said.
Penalties were late and fleeting
It was only in the wake of the robo-signing scandal that Treasury decided to take punitive action against servicers breaking HAMP’s rules. In June 2011, it withheld the program’s subsidies to the three largest servicers in the program. HAMP provides incentive payments to servicers, as well as borrowers and investors, to encourage modifications. The servicer subsidies would stop until the banks showed “substantial improvement,” Treasury said.
Wells Fargo soon received a passing grade, but the Treasury continued to withhold subsidies from Bank of America and JPMorgan Chase until the payments were restored as part of the February 2012, $25 billion national mortgage settlement between federal agencies, 49 states, and the five largest servicers. Together, the servicing subsidiaries of Chase and Bank of America have received about $509 million in subsidies through the program.
When asked for comment about HAMP’s limited oversight, the three largest servicers in the program all pointed to Treasury’s recent assessments of how servicers comply with the program’s rules. Those assessments show the banks requiring only “moderate improvement.”

How Bank of America Defrauded America

Don't let it get away!

Keep track of the stocks that matter to you.

Help yourself with the Fool's FREE and easy new watchlist service today.
Did Bank of America (NYSE: BAC  ) enrich itself by defrauding potentially millions of homeowners who requested loan modifications under the 2009 Home Affordable Modification Program, or HAMP? Yes, or at least that's what six of its former employees are claiming in a class action lawsuit being waged in a Massachusetts federal court. But while the allegations are stunning and disappointing, I'm sad to say that they aren't surprising.
When President Obama announced HAMP in a speech on Feb. 18, 2009, he said its purpose was to "create new incentives so that lenders work with borrowers to modify the terms of subprime loans at risk of default and foreclosure." While subprime loans made up only 12% of mortgages at the time, they accounted for roughly half of all foreclosures.
In Obama's words:
Right now, when families with these mortgages seek to modify a loan to avoid this fate, they often find themselves navigating a maze of rules and regulations but rarely finding answers. Some subprime lenders are willing to renegotiate; many aren't. Your ability to restructure your loan depends on where you live, the company that owns or manages your loan, or even the agent who happens to answer the phone on the day you call.
My plan establishes clear guidelines for the entire mortgage industry that will encourage lenders to modify mortgages on primary residences. Any institution that wishes to receive financial assistance from the government, and to modify home mortgages, will have to do so according to these guidelines -- which will be in place two weeks from today.
If lenders and homebuyers work together, and the lender agrees to offer rates that the borrower can afford, we'll make up part of the gap between what the old payments were and what the new payments will be. And under this plan, lenders who participate will be required to reduce those payments to no more than 31% of a borrower's income. This will enable as many as 3 to 4 million homeowners to modify the terms of their mortgages to avoid foreclosure.
The reality, as we soon came to find out, was that HAMP wasn't passed with the intention of helping homeowners, but rather to serve as an additional backdoor bailout for the banking industry. Neil Barofsky, the former special inspector general in charge of the oversight of TARP, discussed this point in his book Bailout. Recounting a conversation he and Elizabeth Warren had with then-Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner, Barofsky noted (emphasis added):
Geithner apparently looked at HAMP as an aid to the banks, keeping the full flesh of foreclosures from hitting the financial system all at the same time. Though they could handle up to "10 million foreclosures" over time, any more than that, or if the foreclosures were too concentrated, and the losses that the banks might suffer on their first and second mortgages could push them into insolvency, requiring yet another round of TARP bailouts. So HAMP would "foam the runway" by stretching out the foreclosures, giving the banks more time to absorb the losses while the other parts of the bailouts juiced bank profits that could then fill the capital holes created by housing losses.
And it's here where the new allegations about Bank of America come into play. According to a handful of affidavits recently filed in the case by former employees of the bank, they were instructed to intentionally delay the loan modification process, and to deny otherwise qualified applicants for made-up reasons. They were even rewarded for sending homeowners to foreclosure. "[Supervisors] regularly told us that the more we delayed the HAMP modification process, the more fees Bank of America would collect," one former employee said. He went on to note:
Employees were rewarded by meeting a quota of placing a specific number of accounts into foreclosure, including accounts in which the borrower fulfilled a HAMP Trial Period Plan. For example, a [loan collector] who placed 10 or more accounts into foreclosure in a given month received a $500 bonus. Bank of America also gave employees gift cards to retail stores like Target or Bed Bath & Beyond as rewards for placing accounts into foreclosure.
My point here isn't to pile on top of Bank of America or even its purported partner-in-crime, the Treasury Department. For what it's worth, I both own Bank of America stock and am a relatively content customer.
My point is instead to highlight the unfortunate reality that most of the nation's largest banks aren't run for their customers, or, for that matter, their shareholders. And lest there be any doubt about the latter, over the past five years, Bank of America's stock has returned a negative-50% while the S&P 500 (SNPINDEX: ^GSPC  ) is up by 35%. It accordingly follows that while the executives responsible for policies like these will invariably receive their exorbitant salaries and bonuses, the responsibility to actually bear the financial consequences will fall to those who own its stock.

Creator of Criticized Foreclosure Program Highest Paid WH Official

 64
 0
 36
 

Print Article Send a Tip

The architect of President Barack Obama’s scandal-plagued home mortgage program is the highest-paid White House official, earning almost as much as Vice President Joe Biden, a new report reveals.

Senior National Economic Council adviser Seth Wheeler makes $225,000 a year; Biden is paid $230,700. Wheeler’s pay is 30 percent higher than the next-highest White House official due to his being subject to the higher Federal Reserve pay scale.
Wheeler, a former Morgan Stanley banker and Treasury official, was the brain behind Obama’s Home Affordable Modification Program (HAMP), a program criticized by the left and right for multiple failures in cleaning up America’s foreclosure crisis.
Six former Bank of America employees have filed a class action lawsuit alleging the bank gave them Target and Bed Bath & Beyond gift cards and $500 bonuses for placing 10 or more accounts in foreclosure, “including accounts in which the borrower fulfilled a HAMP Trial Period Plan.”
Julia Gordon of the progressive Center for American Progress conceded to Reuters that America’s housing system is broken.
“Our housing system is still in shambles,” said Gordon.
The White House’s 460-person payroll costs taxpayers $37.9 million a year.