Friday, April 25, 2014

The mystery of a $10 million terror transfer

The mystery of a $10 million terror transfer

April 25, 2014
Thirty-four billion Pakistani rupees (approx. 10.4 million USD) have been transferred to major cities in Pakistan near the border of Afghanistan over the past two years; the beneficiaries of the transfers may have included terrorist groups. The transfers were revealed by Pakistan’s Federal Investigation Agency earlier this year to the Express Tribune:

Funding terrorism: Illegal cash flows may be aiding terrorists

KARACHI:  Terrorist groups in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (Fata) and Balochistan have been receiving billions of rupees each month through banking channels and money exchange companies, sources in Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) have revealed.
These companies in collusion with some bankers have been transferring huge amounts to unnamed bank accounts in Quetta and Peshawar. The FIA has recently found evidence of transfer of billions of rupees to the two cities in the last few months.
According to sources, the FIA made these discoveries during its investigations into the multibillion rupee Trade Development Authority Pakistan (TDAP) scam.
Ironically, the Financial Monitoring Unit (FMU) and other institutions, whose task is to curb the illegal business of hundi and hawala, are completely unaware of these dubious transactions, made right under their nose.
If the law enforcers can trace the people receiving billions of rupees through unnamed accounts in Peshawar and Quetta, they will possibly be able to unearth terrorist activities funded by this money…
The Business Recorder provided more details a few weeks ago, reporting that TDAP and commerce ministry officials set up shell companies that claimed trade subsidies known as “general freight subsidies” or “freight subsidies” for the export of “live seafood.” The subsidy checks were then deposited in 10 banks which transferred the $10 million over a 30 month period. Ninety percent of the money obtained through bogus trade subsidy claims was later withdrawn in cash, and some money was subsequently sent to banks in the United Arab Emirates and the West.
The FIA has urged the State Bank of Pakistan to carry out a forensic audit into the transfers.  Yeah, might be a good idea, fellas.

Carloads’ of terrorists turned Oregon ranch into training camp

Carloads’ of terrorists turned Oregon ranch into training camp

An Oregon woman says she thought she was opening up her family’s ranch to local Muslims to teach them how to grow and can veggies — and that her husband was even expecting a tax write-off.
But US-born Muslim convert Eva Hatley testified in Manhattan federal court Tuesday that after the “carloads’’ of fellow Muslims she met through her mosque arrived at the 160-acre ranch in Bly in 1999, the couple watched helplessly as their home was turned into an al Qaeda training camp.
“It wasn’t anything like I envisioned for the property,” insisted Hatley, testifying at the trial of one-eyed, hook-handed hate preacher Abu Hamza al-Masri.
Hatley, a two-time witness-protection-program flunky who prefers going by her Muslim name, Ayat Hakimah, said other Muslims from London would soon arrive on al-Masri’s orders.
Hatley’s then-husband, Ivan Rule, was temporarily out of town “shepherding” while his longtime ranch was being overrun with terrorists-in-training, she said.
According to al-Masri’s lawyer last week, the camp was similar to being in the “Cub Scouts,’’ with the men riding horses, tending to little lambs and telling campfire stories.
But Hatley said one of the arrivals, militant Oussama Kassir, boasted about previously running training camps in Afghanistan and being a “hit man” for Osama bin Laden.
She said Kassir told her that al-Masri was his “leader” and that al-Masri sent him and others to the Bly ranch to create a “training camp” where men would learn to shoot guns, throw knives and do calisthenics along open, spacious fields abutting a ravine and desolate dirt roads.
“He said he was there to train men for jihad,” she said. “He said that Abu Hamza sent him. He intended to train them to fight.”
The visitors, she claimed, said the ranch resembled Afghanistan.
She added that some had CDs with information on how to make poisons to “kill people” and regularly “talked” about “robbing and killing truck drivers” on nearby roads.
Kassir, she recalled, claimed there were plans to eventually dig a hillside compound at the ranch for al-Masri to hide out in.
“I was shocked,” said Hatley, who claims she fled the ranch in fear in December 1999, four months after moving in.
During cross-examination, al-Masri’s lawyer Jeremy Schneider painted the gun-loving Hatley as paranoid and having a shady track record.
She admitted to him under oath that she agreed to marry her husband after only their first encounter — and had tricked him into thinking she had money.
She claimed she feared that Rule — who was married four previous times and had 18 kids — wanted to kill her and had “suffocated” his previous wife to death.
When asked if Rule, al-Masri, Kassir or others who stayed at the ranch had ever threatened her, she said, “No, but I am still afraid.”
Hatley went into witness protection in 2004 but was kicked out years later for telling one of her new neighbors her secret.
She was given a second chance, but the feds booted her again after she violated multiple rules, including driving with a suspended license.
Besides setting up the training camp, al-Masri, 56, is accused of conspiring in a 1998 kidnapping in Yemen that resulted in the deaths of four tourists and committing other terror crimes. He faces life in prison if convicted.
Kassir, a Lebanese-born Swede, was convicted in 2009 of plotting to help al Qaeda recruit by trying to set up a weapons training post at the ranch and distributing terrorist training manuals over the Internet.

Why is Obama pulling tanks out of Germany to place on U.S. soil?

Why is Obama pulling tanks out of Germany to place on U.S. soil?

See also

On March 18, nearly two dozen M-1 Abrams tanks were loaded onto a train headed for the docks in Bremerhaven, Germany. They were then shipped to South Carolina, according to Stars and Stripes.
The removal of the last remaining 22 tanks marks the first time in 69 years that a U.S. tank has not been on German soil. In fact, two German-based U.S. Army brigades were just inactivated, as another, the 172nd Separate Infantry Brigade at Grafenwöhr is currently being disbanded.
Of course, all of this occurs amid Russia's recent annexation of Crimea, and their ongoing invasion of Ukraine. It is obvious that Russian President Vladimir Putin is well on his way to reconstructing the former Soviet Union, it is equally obvious that neither Europe nor the United States is going to lift a finger to stop him.
While we know that Obama is no military strategist, and his foreign policy has consisted primarily of appeasement, there may be more to this move than simply leaving our decades-old ally unprotected and vulnerable to an invasion from the East...
Given Obama's penchant for bending over backwards to accommodate illegal aliens and drug smugglers entering this country from Mexico, it is safe to assume that our fearless (Dear) leader is not planning on sending the tanks to border.
No, it is much more likely that Obama is planning to suspend the Posse Comitatus Act and deploy these tanks (along with the 2,700 MRAPs already purchased by the Dept. of Homeland Security) on U.S. soil when he finally declares martial law.
Don't be surprised when the Bundy ranch is surrounded with heavy armored brigades, but by then, it will be too late to do anything about it.
It goes without saying that the mainstream press has failed yet again to examine the possibility that this 'international man of mystery,' Barack Huessein Obama (aka Barry Soetoro) may be anyone other than who they tell us he is, despite the mounting evidence that he is about to unleash the dogs of war, on we, the American people.
As for the rest of you...Stay sleepy my friends!

US Army's last tanks depart from Germany

US Army's last tanks depart from Germany

German railway loadmasters with the Theater Logistics Support Center Europe help load an Abrams main battle tank at the railhead in Kaisersalutern. The tank was one of 22 bound for South Carolina, marking the end of an Army tank presence in Germany.
STUTTGART, Germany — The U.S. Army’s 69-year history of basing main battle tanks on German soil quietly ended last month when 22 Abrams tanks, a main feature of armored combat units throughout the Cold War, embarked for the U.S.
The departure of the last M-1 Abrams tanks coincides with the inactivation of two of the Army’s Germany-based heavy brigades. Last year, the 170th Infantry out of Baumholder disbanded. And the 172nd Separate Infantry Brigade at Grafenwöhr is in the process of doing the same.
On March 18, the remaining tanks were loaded up at the 21st Theater Sustainment Command’s railhead in Kaiserslautern where they then made the journey to the shipping port in Bremerhaven, Germany. There they boarded a ship bound for South Carolina.
The tanks belonged to the 172nd along with a mix that were leftover from other units, according to the 21st TSC.
“It is an honor to be one of the soldiers escorting the last battle tanks out of Germany,” said Sgt. Jeremy Jordan of the 529th Military Police Company, in an Army story about the journey. “As these tanks sail back to the U.S., we are closing a chapter in history.”
From World War II on through the Cold War, tanker units were a heavy presence in Germany. At its peak, Germany was home to 20 NATO armored divisions, or about 6,000 tanks, according to the 21st TSC.
“There is no [U.S.] tank on German soil. It’s a historic moment,” said Lt. Col. Wayne Marotto, 21st TSC spokesman.

Diplomacy in Action

U.S. Department of State - Great Seal

Diplomacy in Action

Emergency Situations


Date: 09/2009 Description: An EMERCOM helicopter participates in an Emergency Response Exercise in September 2009, Noginsk, Russia. © FEMA photo Date: 01/13/2010 Description: Elizabeth Kreitler, with the Fairfax County Urban Search and Rescue team deployed by USAID, looks down at Racker, a FEMA certified live human search dog, before boarding a plane for their rescue mission to Haiti, in Sterling, Va. on Wednesday Jan. 13, 2010. © AP Image Date: 04/2010 Description: FEMA Mobile Emergency Response Support (MERS) vehicles respond to April 2010 Tornados.   © FEMA photo



Working Group Chairpersons

Date: 12/2009 Description: Administrator Fugate welcomes Russian Deputy Minister Tsalikov (to his left) to FEMA and the National Response Coordination Center.   © FEMA photo
Administrator Fugate welcomes Russian Deputy Minister Tsalikov (to his left) to FEMA and the National Response Coordination Center.

U.S. Chairperson: Federal Emergency Management Agency Administrator Craig Fugate
Russia Chairperson: Russian Minister of Emergency Situations Vladimir Puchkov


Working Group Coordinators


U.S. Coordinator: Director of International Affairs, Federal Emergency Management Agency, Carole Cameron
Russia Coordinator: Head of the International Cooperation, North America Section, EMERCOM of Russia, Alexey Avdeev


Working Group Web Links


Federal Emergency Management

USG Disaster Preparedness
USG Disaster Response
Russian Ministry of Civil Defense, Emergencies and Natural Disasters (government)

Obama's Muslim Brotherhood agenda

April 24, 2014

Obama's Muslim Brotherhood agenda
By Alan Caruba


It is a task just to keep up with the conflicts dividing America, so it is no surprise that many Americans are unsure of what occurred during the "Arab Spring" that began in 2011 and its aftermath since then. It is likely, too, that most do not know who or what the Muslim Brotherhood is, but it has been around a long time seeking to control events in the Middle East and North African nations. It also plays an astonishing and frightening role in America.

"The Brotherhood's peak in the United States came with the victory of Barack Obama in the U.S. presidential election of 2008," says Walid Phares in his book, "The Lost Spring; U.S. Policy in the Middle East and Catastrophes to Avoid" ($27.00, Palgrave Macmillan). "The network, via its front groups, supported the campaign, not as a formal entity, but as a prelude to receiving influence within American bureaucracies and the new administration when Obama took office."

"The factions within the global lobby had an overarching common interest: to push back against the forces of secular democracy in the Arab world and Iran, and thus against their representatives and friends within the United States and Europe, for the real threat to the Islamists in the East was a secular liberal revolution backed by the West."

Phares is an internationally acknowledged and respected expert on terrorism, the Middle East, and events that reflect Islamism, the movement to impose strict Islamic law – Sharia – and other cultural restrictions globally, but most specifically in nations where Islam is the dominant faith.

It's important to know that the Muslim Brotherhood has been around in the U.S. for decades, as often as not working through front organizations like the Council on American Islamic Relations (CAIR), the Muslim Student Association, and others. Using petrodollars, it has supported the creation of Islamic studies departments in universities and maintains a communications program to present through the U.S. media its interpretation of events and thus influence public perceptions and opinion.

Obama and the Muslim Brotherhood members who joined his administration after he took office in 2009 were caught completely off guard, however, by the Arab Spring, the name given to a number of revolutions to cast off despots ruling the Middle East. It began in Tunisia, spread swiftly to Egypt, then to Libya, and affected events in other nations of the region. It was led initially by the youth that were connected to one another by communications technology such as iphones and the Internet. They were joined by secular groups, Muslims who did not wish to live under the repression of fanatical Islamists. Swiftly, ordinary Muslims, women, and others joined them.

In retrospect, a nation whose embassies from Lebanon to Tanzania had been under attack by al Qaeda for decades and which had suffered 9/11, an act of Islamic terrorism on its homeland, would seem unlikely to elect a man whose father was a Muslim, who had spent some of the years of his youth in Muslim Indonesia, and whose brother was an active member of the Brotherhood, to be President. But he was. Twice. This represents almost suicidal stupidity.

From the very beginning of his first term, the White House announced that he would take steps to change America's image in the Arab and Muslim world. Pharas noted that his first interview was with al Arabiya TV on January 29, 2009 to assert that "The United States was the aggressor in the region" and that "the Jihadists were not the aggressors against humanity."

There was no denying that the U.S., in the wake of 9/11, had been at war with the Taliban in Afghanistan since 2001 and in 2003 had waged a war in Iraq to rid it of Saddam Hussein. Both wars had the intention to introduce and help establish democracy in those nations. By 2009 Americans were war-weary and Obama made it clear in his campaign that he would pull our troops out and talked of shutting down Guantanamo detention center where the worst captured terrorists were being held.

Within two months of taking office, Obama went to Cairo where he identified America as the cause of the ills afflicting the Middle East. "When millions of young men and women hit the streets of Tehran in mid-June 2009, they initially protested voter corruption and the forced reelection of Mahmoud Ahmadinijad as president. Later they pushed against the entire regime. The world," said Pharas, "witnessed a moment in which the regime in Iran was very close to crumbling." Obama's response was not to support the democracy movement, saying he did not want to "meddle" in Iranian elections.

This was repeated during the Arab Spring as, time and again, Obama withheld support for the outpouring of desire for democracy in the affected nations, waiting until the Muslim Brotherhood, the only organized faction, was able to seize the movements in order to impose their own control. In Egypt, the people had to fill the streets of Cairo and other cities a second time to oust them from power.

How successfully has the Brotherhood infiltrated the circles of power in the U.S.? Huma Abedin was the Deputy Chief of Staff to Secretary of State Hillary Clinton; Azizh Al-Hibri serves on the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom; Areef Alikhan serves in the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) along with Mohamed Alibiary and Kareem Shora who are members of the Homeland Security Advisory Council; and Mohamed Magid who is a member of the DHS Countering Violent Extremism Working Group. There are others. Too many others.

Obama made sure that the word "terrorism" disappeared from the government's vernacular. When soldiers at Fort Hood were murdered by a jihadist, it was classified as "workplace violence" and the whole concept of the "War on terror" disappeared. It was replaced by the charge that any criticism of al Qaeda and other jihadist groups was "Islamaphobia."

Obama would tell Americans that "I consider it as my responsibility as President of the United States to fight against negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they appear." Instead, we had a President who would seek to make a deal with Iran, the foremost supporter of terrorism worldwide and a nation determined to make its own nuclear weapons to intimidate the Middle East and the world.

We have a President who turned his back on the forces in the Middle East seeking to install democratic governments. That struggle is far from over, but they and the world must wait until Obama leaves office before real progress can be made against the Muslim Brotherhood and the jihadists.

For now, one of the most powerful Islamists in the world resides in the White House.

© Alan Caruba

WE HATE THE WAY OUR LEADERS IN OFFICE TIME WE TAKE OUR RIGHTS AND FREEDOMS BACK LETS START OUR OWN PARTY CHRISTIANS AND PATRIOTS


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Citizens' Guide

Published in February 2004 (updated April 2014)

Contents


Introduction

The purpose of this guide is to encourage citizens, like yourself, to take an active part in the Federal election process. There are several ways you may support Federal candidates and political committees involved in Federal elections. These activities, however, are subject to the Federal campaign finance law. For example, the law limits the amount of money you may contribute and prohibits certain people and organizations from making contributions. This guide explains how to participate in Federal elections in compliance with federal law.
It is important to note that the guide focuses on political activity in Federal elections--not State or local. Federal elections are those for the President and Vice President, the U.S. Senate and the U.S. House of Representatives.

How Much May Be Contributed

Your contributions1 to Federal candidates and committees are limited under the law. You, the contributor, and the committee to which you give are both legally responsible for making sure that your contribution does not exceed your contribution limits. The paragraphs below list the contribution limits for individuals.

Contribution Limits

An individual may give a maximum of:
  • $2,600 per election to a Federal candidate or the candidate's campaign committee.2 Notice that the limit applies separately to each election. Primaries, runoffs and general elections are considered separate elections.
  • $5,000 per calendar year to a PAC. This limit applies to a PAC (political action committee) that supports Federal candidates. (PACs are neither party committees nor candidate committees. Some PACs are sponsored by corporations and unions--trade, industry and labor PACs. Other PACs, often ideological, do not have a corporate or labor sponsor and are therefore called nonconnected PACs.) PACs use your contributions to make their own contributions to Federal candidates and to fund other election-related activities.
  • $10,000 per calendar year to a State or local party committee. A State party committee shares its limits with local party committees in that state unless a local committee's independence can be demonstrated.
  • $32,400 per calendar year to a national party committee. This limit applies separately to a party's national committee, House campaign committee and Senate campaign committee.
  • $100 in currency (cash) to any political committee. (Anonymous cash contributions may not exceed $50.) Contributions exceeding $100 must be made by check, money order or other written instrument.

Presidential Campaigns

The contribution limits work a little differently for Presidential campaigns. In the case of a Presidential candidate running in various State primaries, you may contribute up to $2,600 for the entire primary campaign period--not $2,600 for each State primary in which the candidate runs.
Your contributions may be supplemented with Federal (U.S. Treasury) funds. If a Presidential primary candidate has qualified for the Federal matching fund program, up to $250 of your total contributions to that candidate may be matched with Federal funds. To qualify for matching, contributions must be in the form of a check or other written instrument. (Note that some contributions are not matchable, such as currency, loans, goods and services, and any type of contribution from a political committee.)
In the general election, however, you may not make any contributions to the campaigns of Democratic or Republican nominees who receive Federal funds. (Federal funding in the general election takes the form of direct government grants rather than matching payments.) You may nevertheless designate a contribution of up to $2,600 to the candidate's compliance fund, a special account used to pay for certain legal and accounting expenses. You may also contribute up to $2,600 to the general election campaign of any Presidential candidate who is not a Federally funded Democratic or Republican nominee.
Federal funds used in Presidential elections come from the dollars voluntarily checked off by taxpayers on their Federal income tax returns. (The checkoff does not affect the total amount of taxes paid or any refund due.)

Designated Contributions

The Federal Election Commission (FEC) encourages you, when making a contribution to a candidate, to designate which election the contribution is for. By doing this, you will avoid any confusion as to which election limit applies to your contribution. To designate a contribution, write the name of the specific election on your check (or other written instrument). Or attach a signed statement with the same information.
If you do not designate a contribution to a candidate, your contribution automatically applies to your $2,600 limit for the candidate's next election. In other words, if you make3 an undesignated contribution after the candidate has won the primary but before the general election, your contribution counts against your $2,600 limit for the general. Similarly, if you make an undesignated contribution after the general election, it automatically applies toward the limit for the next election in which the candidate runs for Federal office.
If, however, you want a contribution to count against your limit for an election other than the candidate's upcoming election, you must designate the contribution. For example, suppose you want your contribution to count against the candidate's general election, even though the primary has not yet taken place. In this case, you must designate the contribution for the general. Or, if you want to help a candidate retire campaign debts for a past election, you must designate your contribution for that specific election.
Under certain circumstances, if you make an excessive contribution to a candidate committee, the committee may redesignate your contribution. When this occurs, the committee must notify you within 60 days, and must offer you the opportunity to receive a refund instead.

Joint Contributions

If two or more individuals want to make a contribution using one check drawn on a joint account, all the contributors must sign the check or an attached statement. The check or signed statement must show how much should be attributed to each donor, unless the the contribution is to be equally divided among the contributors.

Contributions from Family Members

A husband and wife each have separate contribution limits, even if only one spouse has an income. For example, a couple may contribute a $5,200 check to a candidate's primary campaign as long as both sign the check (or an attached statement), as explained above.

Prohibited Contributions

While most individuals are free to make political contributions, three categories of individuals are prohibited by law from making contributions: foreign nationals and Federal government contractors and, in some instances, minors. These and other prohibitions on contributions are explained below.

Foreign Nationals

Foreign nationals may not make contributions in connection with any election--Federal, State or local. This prohibition does not apply to foreign citizens who are lawfully admitted for permanent residence in the United States (those who have "green cards").

Federal Government Contractors

Federal government contractors may not make contributions to influence Federal elections. For example, if you are a consultant under contract to a Federal agency, you may not contribute to Federal candidates or political committees. Or, if you are the sole proprietor of a business with a Federal government contract, you may not make contributions from personal or business funds. But, if you are merely employed by a company (or partnership) with Federal government contracts, you are permitted to make contributions from your personal funds.

Corporations and Unions

The law also prohibits contributions from corporations and labor unions. This prohibition applies to any incorporated organization, profit or nonprofit. For example, the owner of an incorporated "mom and pop" grocery store is not permitted to use a business account to make contributions. Instead, the owner would have to use a personal account. A corporate employee may make contributions through a nonrepayable corporate drawing account, which allows the individual to draw personal funds against salary, profits or other compensation.

Contributions in the Name of Another

Contributions made in the name ofanother are prohibited. For example, an individual who has already contributed up to the limit for a candidate's election may not give money to another person to make a contribution to the same candidate. Similarly, a corporation is prohibited from using bonuses or other methods of reimbursing employees for their contributions.

Excessive Contributions

Finally, contributions that exceed the law's limits are prohibited.


What Counts as a Contribution

Most people think of contributions as donations of money in the form of checks or currency. While these are common ways of making a contribution, anything of value given to influence a Federal election is considered a contribution. This section describes several forms of giving that are considered contributions under the Federal campaign law. All the contributions you make--whatever their form--count against your per committee limits.

Donated Items and Services

The donation of office machines, furniture, supplies--anything of value--is an in-kind contribution. The value of the donated item (the usual and normal charge) counts against the contribution limits. A donation of services is also considered an in-kind contribution. For example, if you pay a consultant's fee or a printing bill for services provided to a campaign, you have made an in-kind contribution in the amount of the payment.
If you sell an item or service to a committee and ask the committee to pay less than the usual and normal charge, you have also made an in-kind contribution to the committee in the amount of the discount.
Under limited exceptions in the law, you may provide certain goods and services without making a contribution to the committee. These exceptions are volunteering, travel expenses and business services.

Fundraising Tickets and Items

Yet another way of making a contribution is to purchase a fundraising item or a ticket to a fundraiser. The full purchase price counts as a contribution. If you pay $100 for a ticket to a fundraising event like a dinner, you have made a $100 contribution (even though your meal may have cost the committee $30). Or, if you pay $15 for a T-shirt sold by a campaign, your contribution amounts to $15 (even though the T-shirt may have cost the committee $5).

Loans and Loan Endorsements

If you loan money to a candidate or political committee, you have made a contribution, even if you charge interest on the loan. The outstanding amount of the loan counts against the contribution limits. Loan repayments, therefore, decrease the amount of your contribution. Nevertheless, if your loan exceeds the limits, it is an illegal contribution, even if it is later repaid in full.
Endorsements and guarantees of bank loans are also considered contributions. Endorsers and guarantors are liable for equal portions of a loan unless the agreement states otherwise. You alone, therefore, may not endorse a $10,000 loan to a candidate committee. There must be four other individual endorsers so that each one is liable only for $2,600, the per election limit. Repayments made on a loan reduce the amount of your liability and thus reduce the amount of your contribution.

Support Given to "Test the Waters"

You may wish to support a prospective candidate who is "testing the waters"--exploring the feasibility of becoming a candidate. Your total donations are limited to $2,600, just as if they were given to an actual candidate. If the individual who is testing the waters later becomes a candidate, the candidate's committee will report your donations as contributions.

Volunteering

Personal Services

An individual may help candidates and committees by volunteering personal services. For example, you may want to take part in a voter drive or offer your skills to a political committee. Your services are not considered contributions as long as you are not paid by anyone. (If your services are compensated by someone other than the committee itself, the payment is considered a contribution by that person to the committee.)
As a volunteer, you may spend unlimited money for normal living expenses.

Home Events

In volunteering your services, you may use your home for activities benefiting a candidate or political party without making a contribution. If you live in an apartment complex, you may use the recreation room; any small fee you pay is not considered a contribution. You may also use a church or community room, if the room is regularly made available for noncommercial purposes, without regard to political affiliation. Any nominal rental fee you pay is not considered a contribution.
You might want to hold a fundraising party or reception in your home, or in a church or community room. Your costs for invitations and for food and beverages served at the event are not considered contributions if they remain under certain limits. These expenses on behalf of a candidate are limited to $1,000 per election; expenses on behalf of a political party are limited to $2,000 per year. (A husband and wife may each spend up to the limit. Their combined limits would be: $2,000 per candidate, per election, and $4,000 per year for a political party.) Any amount spent in excess of the limits is a contribution to the candidate or party committee.4

Corporate/Union Facilities

If you are an employee, stockholder or member of a corporation or labor union, you may use the organization's facilities--for example, the phone--in connection with your volunteer activities, subject to the rules and practices of the organization. The activity, however, cannot prevent an employee from completing normal work; nor can it interfere with the organization's normal activity.
If your activity exceeds "incidental use" of the facilities--one hour a week or four hours a month--you must reimburse the corporation or union the normal rental charge within a commercially reasonable time. If you use the organization's equipment to produce campaign materials, you must reimburse the organization regardless of how much time you spend. Any reimbursement for your use of facilities is considered a contribution from you to the political committee that you are helping.

Travel Expenses

You may spend up to $1,000 per election for your travel on behalf of a candidate, and $2,000 per year for party-related travel, with-out making a contribution. (If you are reimbursed for your travel expenses by someone other than the committee, the payment is considered a contribution from that person to the committee.)

Business Services

Discounts on Food and Drink

If you are in the business of selling food and beverages, your business may offer a discount to candidates and party committees without making a contribution, even if your business is incorporated. The discount price must at least equal the cost of the items. The value of the discount--the difference between the normal charge and the amount paid by the committee--must, however, remain within certain limits. The limit for a discount to a candidate is $1,000 per election; the limit for a political party is $2,000 per year. Once the limits are exceeded, the excess amount is a contribution. An incorporated business may not exceed the limits since contributions from corporations are prohibited.

Legal and Accounting Services

Businesses, including corporations, may support candidates in yet another way. If the business employs individuals who perform legal or accounting services, the business may provide these services free to a political committee as long as certain qualifications are met:
  • First, the firm may provide services to a candidate committee or PAC only for the purpose of helping the committee comply with the Federal campaign finance law.
  • Second, services on behalf of a party committee may be provided for any purpose that does not directly further the election of a Federal candidate.
  • Third, the firm must use its own regular employees (not outside consultants) to perform the service. The business may not hire additional personnel to free regular employees to provide the service.
  • Fourth, the recipient committee must report the value of the service (the amount paid by the employer).
Of course, when an individual personally volunteers legal or accounting services to a committee, the above restrictions do not apply.

Independent Expenditures

Independent expenditures provide yet another way to support Federal candidates. An independent expenditure is money spent for a communication that expressly advocates the election or defeat of a clearly identified Federal candidate. It is "independent" only if the individual making the expenditure does not coordinate or consult in any way with the candidate or campaign (or agent of the candidate or campaign) benefiting from the communication. Independent expenditures are not considered contributions and are unlimited. You may spend any amount on each communication as long as the expenditure is truly independent.
You may, for example, pay for an advertisement in a newspaper or on the radio urging the public to vote for the candidate you want elected. Or you may produce and distribute posters or yard signs telling people not to vote for a candidate you oppose.
When making an independent expenditure, you must include a notice stating that you have paid for the communication and that it is not authorized by any candidate's committee. (For specific disclaimer requirements, please consult the "Special Notices on Political Ads and Solicitations" brochure.) Additionally, once you spend more than $250 during a calendar year on independent expenditures with respect to a given election, you must file a report with the Federal Election Commission (either FEC Form 5 [PDF]), or a signed statement containing the same information).
Because this brief explanation does not cover all you need to know about independent expenditures, contact the Commission for more information.

Acting as a Group

If you and other individuals act together as a group to conduct activities to influence a Federal election, the group may become a "political committee." In general, a group that raises or spends over $1,000 per year to influence Federal elections must register, keep records on financial transactions and file reports on the committee's activities.
If you are interested in forming a group to participate in Federal elections and anticipate raising or spending more that $1,000 during a calendar year, you should write or phone the Commission and request materials to register the group as a political committee.

Campaign Finance Information

The Federal campaign finance law requires many participants in the election process to submit reports on their financial activity. These reports are then put on the public record. Generally, an individual is not required to report. Political committees, however, must file detailed reports on the money they raise and spend. You, as an individual contributor, will be asked to provide information to the recipient committee for its reports.

Contributor Information

If you contribute more than $200 to a committee, the committee is required to use its best efforts to collect and publicly disclose on a financial report your name, address, occupation and employer, as well as the date and amount of your contribution. Committees sometimes request this information even for smaller contributions, since the $200 reporting threshold applies to your total contributions to one committee during a calendar year. For example, you may make several small contributions to a committee during a year. Once these contributions add up to over $200, the committee must report the contributor information.
Note that if you collect and forward contributions to a committee, you must transmit them within a specified period of time and must also provide the committee with certain information on the contributors. Additionally, you may have reporting obligations. For more details, contact the FEC.

Information Available to the Public

As a voter, you may be interested in learning how a particular candidate finances his or her campaign. Who is contributing? How much? Is the candidate using personal funds to finance the campaign? Does the committee have debts? Or you may want to know which candidates a party committee or PAC is supporting, and how much the committee is giving.
This information is available to the public in the campaign finance reports regularly filed by all political committees supporting Federal candidates. You may access these reports and other FEC campaign finance information on your home computer. The Commission's Public Records Office also keeps all reports on file and will send you copies of specific reports, upon request. You can also order computer printouts focused on the information you want. Call the toll-free number, 800-424-9530, or 202-694-1120.

Filing a Complaint

If you believe a violation of the Federal campaign finance law has taken place, you may file a complaint with the Federal Election Commission. Send a letter to the Commission explaining why you (the complainant) believe the law may have been violated, describe the specific facts and circumstances and name the individuals or organizations responsible (the respondents). Your complaint should also indicate which allegations are based on personal knowledge rather than on outside sources (for example, newspaper articles). The letter must be sworn to, signed and notarized. Complaints of alleged violations receive case numbers and are called MURs, Matters Under Review. (For more information on how to file a complaint, contact the FEC.)
The Commission sends a copy of the complaint to the respondents, who have the opportunity to explain why the Commission should not pursue the complaint (for example, because no violation occurred or because there were mitigating factors). The agency considers the views of both sides and may conduct an investigation to gather facts. Until the MUR is resolved, the Commission must keep all phases of the proceedings confidential, as required by law. After it makes a decision, the agency notifies the complainant and the respondents. The decision and supporting evidence regarding the MUR are then made public.
 

For More Information On...

The Federal Campaign Finance Law

The Commission's Information Division answers questions on the Federal campaign finance law. Call or write the agency (see below); FEC staff are waiting to help you.
If you wish, you may formally request an advisory opinion concerning your own political activity. Advisory opinions usually address questions that require clarification of the law. Mail your written request to the Office of General Counsel at the street address below:
Federal Election Commission
999 E Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20463
Telephone: 202-694-1100
Toll Free: 800-424-9530
TDD (for the hearing impaired): 202-219-3336
E-mail: info@fec.gov

Federal Employees and the Hatch Act

Although the Hatch Act does not prohibit contributions, it does ban or restrict certain partisan political activities conducted by Federal employees. Some Federal government agencies place additional limits on the political activity of their employees. For more information, contact your agency's ethics officer. For information on the Hatch Act, contact the:
Office of Special Counsel
U.S. Merit Systems Protection Board
1730 M Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20036
Telephone: 202-653-7143
Toll Free: 800-854-2824

FOOTNOTES:

1 Click here for an explanation of what a contribution is.
2 This limit applies to a contribution made to any type of political committee if the contributor knows that a substantial portion of the contribution will be used to support a particular candidate.
3 A contribution is "made" on the date when you relinquish control over it. If mailed, a contribution is "made" on the date of the postmark.
4 The Commission has said in an advisory opinion (AO 1980-63 [PDF]) that if an individual co-hosts an event held in someone else's home, any expenses paid by the nonresident co-host are considered contributions.

This publication provides guidance on certain aspects of federal campaign finance law. This publication is not intended to replace the law or to change its meaning, nor does this publication create or confer any rights for or on any person or bind the Federal Election Commission (Commission) or the public. The reader is encouraged also to consult the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971, as amended (2 U.S.C. 431 et seq.), Commission regulations (Title 11 of the Code of Federal Regulations), Commission advisory opinions, and applicable court decisions.  For further information, please contact:
Federal Election Commission
999 E Street, NW
Washington, DC  20463
(800) 424-9530; (202) 694-1100
info@fec.gov
www.fec.gov



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